The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF Health News

@jrovner

Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

Congress narrowly avoided a federal government shutdown for the second time in as many months, as House Democrats provided the needed votes for new House Republican Speaker Mike Johnson to avoid his first legislative catastrophe of his brief tenure. But funding the federal government won’t get any easier when the latest temporary patches expire in early 2024. It seems House Republicans have not yet accepted that they cannot accomplish the steep spending cuts they want as long as the Senate and the White House are controlled by Democrats.

Meanwhile, a pair of investigations unveiled this week underscored the difficulty of obtaining needed long-term care for seniors. One, from KFF Health News and The New York Times, chronicles the financial toll on families for people who need help for activities of daily living. The other, from Stat, details how some insurance companies are using artificial intelligence algorithms to deny needed rehabilitation care for Medicare patients.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Rachel Cohrs of Stat, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico Magazine, and Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

Panelists

Rachel Cohrs
Stat News

@rachelcohrs

Read Rachel's stories

Joanne Kenen
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico

@JoanneKenen

Read Joanne's stories

Alice Miranda Ollstein
Politico

@AliceOllstein

Read Alice's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• Congress passed a two-part continuing resolution this week that will prevent the federal government from shutting down when the current CR expires Nov. 18 at 12:01 a.m. The new measure extends some current spending levels, including funding for the FDA, through Jan. 19. The rest of federal agencies, including most of the Department of Health and Human Services, are extended to Feb. 2.
• House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has said he wants to use the next two months to finish work on individual appropriations bills, none of which have passed both the House and Senate so far. The problem: They would deeply cut many popular federal programs. They also are full of changes to abortion restrictions and transgender policies, highlighting the split between the GOP caucus’ far-right wing and its more moderate members.
• In the wake of abortion rights successes in passing abortion rights ballot initiatives, new efforts are taking shape in Ohio and Michigan among state lawmakers who are arguing that when Dobbs turned this decision back to states, it meant to the state legislatures — not to the courts or voters. Most experts agree the approach is unlikely to prevail. Still, it highlights continuing efforts to change the rules surrounding this polarized issue.
• Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) — who was the only remaining Republican presidential candidate pushing for a national, 15-week abortion ban — suspended his campaign last week. He, along with former Vice President Mike Pence, who bowed out of the race at the end of October, were the field’s strongest anti-abortion candidates. This seems to suggest that the 15-week ban is not drawing voter support, even among Republicans. Meanwhile, former President Donald Trump, the GOP’s front-runner by miles, continues to be willing to play both sides of the abortion debate.
• Amid increasing concern about the use of artificial intelligence in health care, a California class-action lawsuit charges that UnitedHealth Group is using algorithms to deny rehabilitation care to enrollees in its Medicare Advantage program. The suit comes in the wake of an investigation by Stat into insurer requirements that case managers hew to the AI estimates of how long the company would pay for rehabilitation care, regardless of the patient’s actual medical situation.
• More than 10 million people have lost Medicaid coverage since states began reviewing eligibility earlier in the year. Advocates for Medicaid patients worry that the Biden administration has not done enough to ensure that people who are still eligible for the program — particularly children — are not mistakenly terminated.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: KFF Health News’ “How Lawmakers in Texas and Florida Undermine Covid Vaccination Efforts,” by Amy Maxmen.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: The New York Times’ “They Wanted to Get Sober. They Got a Nightmare Instead,” by Jack Healy.

Rachel Cohrs: Stat’s “UnitedHealth Pushed Employees to Follow an Algorithm to Cut Off Medicare Patients’ Rehab Care,” by Casey Ross and Bob Herman.

Joanne Kenen: ProPublica’s “Mississippi Jailed More Than 800 People Awaiting Psychiatric Treatment in a Year. Just One Jail Meets State Standards,” by Isabelle Taft, Mississippi Today.

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

• KFF Health News’ “Facing Financial Ruin as Costs Soar for Elder Care,” by Reed Abelson, The New York Times, and Jordan Rau.
• JAMA Internal Medicine’s “Excess Death Rates for Republican and Democratic Registered Voters in Florida and Ohio During the COVID-19 Pandemic,” by Jacob Wallace, et al.

Click to open the transcript

Transcript: Congress Kicks the (Budget) Can Down the Road. Again.

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.]

Julie Rovner: Hello, and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News, and I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Nov. 16, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might’ve changed by the time you hear this. So here we go.

We are joined today via video conference by Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Hello.

Rovner: Rachel Cohrs of Stat News.

Rachel Cohrs: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: And Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins University and Politico Magazine.

Joanne Kenen: Hi everyone.

Rovner: No interview this week, but more than enough news, so we will get right to it. So the federal government is not going to shut down when the current continuing spending resolution expires at 12:01 a.m. Saturday. In basically a rerun of what happened at the end of September, new House Speaker Mike Johnson ended up having to turn to Democrats to pass another CR. This one extends a bunch of federal programs until Jan.19 and the rest of them until Feb. 2. Most of HHS [the Department of Health and Human Services] is in the latter category, but the FDA, because it’s funded through the Department of Agriculture, its spending bill would be in the group that’s funded only through Jan. 19. Don’t worry if you don’t remember that.

The stated goal here is to use the next two months, minus what’s likely to be a sizable Christmas break, to finish work on the individual appropriation bills, of which exactly zero of 12 have passed both the House and Senate and been sent to the president. Meanwhile, in just the last week, House Republicans have been unable to pass any of the individual appropriations they have brought to the floor and a few haven’t been able to even get to the floor. Yesterday, Republican leaders pulled the plug on the rest of the week’s floor schedule, literally in the middle of a series of votes on the HHS spending bill. So Democrats are not going to bail them out on these individual bills the way they have on the relatively clean continuing resolutions because the individual bills include very deep spending cuts and lots of abortion and transgender and other culture wars riders. So what exactly do they think is going to change between now and the next deadline?

Ollstein: Well, there’s been a lot of chatter about how cranky members of Congress have gotten because they worked 10 weeks in a row. Most of us work 10 weeks in a row without destroying each other, but there it is. And so there’s the hope that when they come back …

Rovner: Yes, there were threats of physical violence this week.

Ollstein: And allegedly some actual physical violence. Most of us work 10 weeks in a row without assaulting our colleagues, but we are not members of Congress. So the idea is they could take some time to cool off and come back and be more collaborative, but really this is a problem the Republican Caucus has not been able to solve. You have dissent on the right of the caucus and the sort of more moderate left or more left side of the caucus. You have moderate members who are worried about getting reelected in districts that voted for [President Joe] Biden who are not wanting to vote for these spending bills that are full of anti-trans and anti-abortion provisions, which you could easily picture that being used against them in campaign ads. And then you have folks on the far right in the Freedom Caucus who are sort of tanking these individual bills to protest the overall trajectory of spending and the overall process. So this is not going away anytime soon. And, like you said, Democrats are not bailing them out here.

Cohrs: One other point I wanted to make, sorry, Julie, on the deadlines is that for people who are interested in health policy and PBM [pharmacy benefit manager] reform and DSH [Medicaid’s Disproportionate Share Hospital] cuts, all of those. Those all have a Jan. 19 deadline. So those will come with the first round. So I think for the people out there who are worried about those policies, community health centers, extenders, that will happen with the first deadline even though the full Labor, HHS preparations aren’t until the second one.

Rovner: Yeah, these continuing resolutions do carry some of these extraneous, what we like to call “extender,” provisions that would otherwise have expired. And so they’ll keep them going for another couple of months and keep lobbyists busy wringing their hands and keep all of our inboxes full of emails of people warning of terrible things that will happen if these programs aren’t continued. But I want to go back to the underlying problem here, though, is that first of all, the conservative Republicans say they want to put the budget on a different trajectory. Well, discretionary spending, which is what we’re talking about here with the 12 spending bills, is a tiny portion of what makes up the budget and the budget deficit. So even if they were to cut all of these programs as dramatically as they like, they wouldn’t have much of an impact on the overall budget. I’m sort of mystified that people don’t keep pointing that out.

Ollstein: Well, and they’re also cutting things that won’t save money. I mean, they wanted to cut things like IRS enforcement, which would lose money because then the IRS wouldn’t be going after wealthy tax cheats and recouping that government spending. And so some of this is ideological. They’re going after health care programs that support LGBT people, for instance, and that doesn’t save that much money. But there’s been a lot of speeches from Republicans railing against the substance of the programs and calling them “woke” and inappropriate and such. And so, yes, some of this is fiscal, but a lot of it is also ideological.

Kenen: Yeah, it’s a relatively small portion of federal dollars, but a relatively large portion of culture war.

Rovner: Yes, I think that is a very good way to put it because, of course, it’s a place where they can put culture war things because they have to come up every year. But yeah, I think that’s why we end up fighting over this. All right, well this fight has been put off until 2024, although it’ll be the first thing when we get back.

Kenen: Yeah. And nothing’s really going to change except maybe cooler heads prevail. Anyone see any cooler heads around there? They may come back a little bit more personally tolerant when they’ve had some time off over the holidays. But the basic ideological and political alignment and the loggerheads, it’s like the only thing that changes between November, December, and January is it’s colder here then.

Rovner: Yeah, that’s exactly correct. Yeah. The far right of the House Republican Caucus is going to have to realize that there is a Senate and there is a president and they all get a say in what these final bills look like too. So they can’t just dictate we’re going to make all these cuts and, if not, we’re going to close down the government, unless that’s what they decide to do.

Kenen: But I think they skipped that session in their orientation.

Rovner: Yeah. Apparently.

Kenen: They’re not finding, “OK, where’s the compromise? What do we really, really, really want? And what are we willing to trade that for?” They’re not doing that. If you give and take, everybody gets some victory, and you have to identify what victory you can get that satisfies you. But there’s no sign of any kind of realistic grasp that this is divided government.

Rovner: Right. And they yet to figure that out. All right, well let us turn to abortion, where there is always news. We are going to start in Ohio, where last week voters, by a pretty healthy margin, approved a ballot measure to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution. Now, though, some anti-abortion lawmakers in Ohio say, “Never mind, we can overrule that.” Really, Alice?

Ollstein: So there are efforts going on in both Ohio and Michigan to block, undo, undermine what voters voted for in these referenda and, based on talking to sources, it seems like neither of these really have legs. They’re sort of seen as just messaging. But I think that even the attempt to try to undermine or undo what voters overwhelmingly approved is telling and interesting. And, of course, it builds on all of the attempts leading up to the votes that we saw from these same forces to try to change the rules, make it more difficult. So I think when state legislatures around the country come back into session in January, we’re going to be watching closely to see if they pass things that aim to block these votes. So definitely something to keep an eye on.

Rovner: I did see that this speaker of the Ohio House has poured at least some cold water on this effort. The argument had been from some of these lawmakers that because the Supreme Court gave this decision back to the states, that means only state legislatures and not the courts and not the voters directly. Am I interpreting that right?

Kenen: Yeah, the speaker was pretty firm. He said … what did he say? It was “Schoolhouse Rock”? He basically said that the voters, they matter.

Rovner: Yeah.

Ollstein: And what’s interesting is that the court that they want to cut out of this in Ohio is very conservative. And so this isn’t like, “Oh, we want to block these liberal activist judges from weighing in here.” This is “We want to keep this solely in the hands of the legislature and not have, really, courts have a role in it at all,” although the courts are very conservative and tilt in the anti-abortion direction anyway, which I think is notable.

Rovner: We’ll definitely watch that space in the upper Midwest/Great Lakes. Well, elsewhere, in Alabama, in a story that I didn’t think got the coverage it deserved, the Justice Department is joining a case brought by an abortion fund and some former abortion providers about whether the state might be able to prosecute them for helping women travel to obtain an abortion in another state. Department of Justice says, “Of course, states can’t prevent people from traveling to other states for things that are legal in another state, but not in their state. Otherwise, very few people would be able to go to Las Vegas.” But the state attorney general has yet threatened to try to prosecute, has he not?

Ollstein: Yeah, so this is happening in a few states, but it’s sort of come to a head in Alabama in terms of treating groups that either provide material support for people to travel across state lines for an abortion or even just information, even just “Here’s a clinic that you can call in this other state.” Not even a formal referral, medical referral, but just information about where to go. The attorney general has threatened to consider that kind of a criminal conspiracy to violate Alabama’s abortion ban.

So this is an interesting test, and I think it may — like the travel bans we’ve been seeing proposed and even implemented in some cities, states, et cetera. They’re sort of trying a bunch of different things. But these are basically impossible to enforce. And so, really, what’s happening here is an attempt to undo some of the chilling effect of these laws. Right now, people are so afraid of being charged with criminal conspiracy that they’re holding off on, even providing publicly available information that’s likely protected by the First Amendment. And so they’re hoping that a court ruling saying “You do have the right to at least discuss this and even give people support to travel” will undo some of that chilling effect. And yeah, I think that’s sort of the key here.

Rovner: Yeah. Well, moving on to Texas, where a lot of these other travel bans have been tried, at least in some cities and counties, we want to go back to that case where a half a dozen women who couldn’t get care for pregnancy complications, because of the state’s abortion ban, sued. Well, now there are 22 plaintiffs in that case, including two doctors and a then-medical student who discovered her fetus’s lethal abnormalities at an 18-week scan. The Texas Supreme Court is supposed to hear this case later this month, but, Alice, this could really end up before the U.S. Supreme Court, couldn’t it? This is the concern of women who are not trying to have abortions. They were basically trying to complete pregnancies and have had things go terribly wrong. And, as you just said, doctors are afraid to treat them for fear that they’re going to be prosecuted.

Ollstein: Yeah. And so this is where state abortion bans are running up against federal protections for … you have to treat a patient who comes in who’s experiencing a medical emergency. This is the EMTALA, a federal law, and these things are in conflict. Anti-abortion groups and advocates say that they are not, and that medical care in these situations is already protected. But as we’ve seen with this chilling effect, doctors are afraid to act in these situations and they’re telling patients to go away and come back when things are more dire. And that, in some cases, in these plaintiff’s cases, has led to pretty permanent damage, damage to their future fertility, threats to their lives. And so these cases are not seeking to get rid of the abortion bans entirely, as some other lawsuits are, but they are seeking to really make clear, because it’s not clear to medical providers right now, make clear what is allowed in these really sensitive and precarious medical situations.

Rovner: Yeah, I keep hearing a lot of the anti-abortion forces saying, “Well, it’s not technically an abortion in these cases. If it’s an ectopic pregnancy or something or the woman’s water has broken early and she’s going to get septic.” And it’s like, “Except that medically, yes, they are. A termination of pregnancy is termination of pregnancy.” And that’s why the doctors are saying, “You can call this anything you want. We’re the ones who are going to get thrown in jail and lose our medical licenses.” All right. Well, before we move on, I want to talk some abortion politics. Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina, who had been the only Republican presidential candidate strongly pushing for a federal 15-week abortion ban, suspended his campaign this week after what happened in Virginia last week, which we talked about at some length. When Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin tried to win back the state legislature for Republicans by promising to sign his own 15-week ban and lost spectacularly. Where does that leave Republicans on abortion going into 2024? Obviously, the 15-week ban as a compromise doesn’t seem to be flying.

Ollstein: No, it’s certainly not. And Tim Scott and Mike Pence were some of anti-abortion groups’ favorite candidates who were saying what they wanted to hear, and both of their campaigns have now ended. And so, meanwhile, you have the people who have been a little more squishy, from anti-abortion advocates’ perspective anyways, like Nikki Haley and [former President Donald] Trump himself, doing the best. DeSantis also sort of middling right now on the downward trajectory, seemingly.

Rovner: DeSantis, who signed a six-week ban in Florida.

Ollstein: Exactly, but was also kind of unclear about what he would do as president, which the anti-abortion groups did not like. It’s interesting, maybe telling, that the people who were sort of the staunchest anti-abortion voices have not seemed to do well in this moment, but let’s be real. Trump is the far-and-away front-runner here. It’s most important to examine Trump. And he’s sort of trying to have it both ways. He’s both touting his anti-abortion bona fides by talking about appointing the justices to the Supreme Court that overturned Roe v. Wade, taking credit for that. And at the same time sort of pushing this line of, “Oh, we’ll strike some sort of compromise.” He really talks up exemptions for rape and incest, which, by the way, a lot of anti-abortion groups don’t want those. And so he’s sort of speaking out of both sides of his mouth, but, at least according to the polls, it seems to be working.

Rovner: Yeah, maybe that’s the answer for Republicans is tell everybody what you think they want them to know. I guess we will see going forward. Well, I want to move on. I’m calling this next segment, “Getting Old Sucks: Ask Me How I Know.” I want to start with a joint project that KFF Health News has out this week with The New York Times called “Dying Broke.” It’s about, and stop me if you’ve heard me say this before, the fact that the U.S. has no policy to help pay for long-term care, save for Medicaid, which only pays if you basically bankrupt yourself and your family.

There is a lot in this series, and I highly recommend it, but one of the things that jumped out to me is that the cost of long-term care has risen so much faster than incomes that even if you started saving for retirement in your 20s — I started saving for retirement in my 20s — you’d still be unlikely to have enough to self-insure for long-term care when you’re 75 or 80. Joanne, you’ve spent as much time as I have, probably more, writing about our lack of a long-term care policy. Anything jump out at you from this project?

Kenen: It was a terrific, terrific story, and it brought to life that even people who are definitely what you would think of as economically comfortable, it’s not enough. It’s just the luck of the draw, right? I mean, if you die fast, you can at least leave money to your kids. If you die slow, you can’t. It was a really good story. But what I always am left with when I read these stories is it doesn’t make a difference. Congress does not want to deal with this. Julie and I actually did a panel for a health group a few weeks ago, and one of the state … someone from California came up to talk about us and asked, “Why doesn’t the United States have a long-term care policy? I’m going to change that.” And we were trying to be polite, but it was like, “OK, good luck with that.” And this is not a partisan issue. Republicans and Democrats both get old and Republicans and Democrats both end up needing long-term care, whether it’s in the nursing home or assistance in your own home. Republicans and Democrats both get Alzheimer’s and other forms of dementia. They both get disabled. And we have a government that just plugs up its ears because it costs so much money and it’s an entitlement and they just don’t even want to deal with it. And generation after generation, it’s a disaster. It’s inhumane.

Rovner: And, of course, there was this brief effort in the Affordable Care Act with the CLASS Act that everybody was very excited …

Kenen: To nibble around the edges of it. The CLASS Act was good, but it wasn’t even solving the problem.

Rovner: And it went away because they discovered that even that was going to be too expensive. It could not be self-sustaining. And that’s been the problem with the private long-term care insurance market too, that you basically can’t get private long-term care insurance anymore because insurers cannot afford to sell it. They lose too much money on it, and therefore it would be too expensive if they actually charged what they needed to to even break even.

Kenen: Right. And there is an idea circulating, but it’s not getting any traction. It’s circulated in the past too, a joint approach, a reinsurance approach, that you’d try to strengthen the private long-term care insurance market, which is very broken. You’d try to fix that, but you wouldn’t expect the private insurance market to do the whole problem, so that there’d be reinsurance from the government. So for people who had maybe, I don’t know exactly how it works, say a year or two of expenses that private insurance would kick in and we would make that market work better and be there when you needed it. But then if you were somebody who had multiple years and you exhausted that benefit, there would be a backup entitlement.

Rovner: But I’ve heard this talked about for at least 10 years, and it’s never gone anywhere.

Kenen: It’s revived and it’s not getting … I don’t think it has a sponsor in this Congress. It did in the last Congress. There’s no discussion. There’s no … a lot of people think that Medicare actually pays for nursing homes, and then that’s a pretty big surprise because it only pays for very limited … it pays, like if you have surgery and you need some rehab at a nursing home for, what is it? Is it 12 weeks? I forget what it is, but it’s short-term. It’s a couple of months. It’s not dementia care. And even the other thing is when you read about the cost of long-term care, that’s just the room and board, that doesn’t include your doctors’ bills, your medication, clothing, personal aide, because people who are complicated and need a lot of care often need a personal aide in addition to the staff. It’s just a phenomenal amount of money. My kids don’t understand when I say we need to save money, they say, “Don’t you have enough?” And no, nobody has enough. Bill Gates has enough.

Rovner: Yeah, Warren Buffett has enough. Well, so, as I mentioned, one of the big problems with long-term care is that there’s essentially no private insurance for it anymore because it’s so expensive and because so many people end up needing it. That’s very different from Medicare Advantage, where insurers are and have been making lots of money providing benefits that would otherwise be paid for by the federal government. But Rachel, some of your colleagues have discovered that, and in at least some cases, those insurers are making all that money because they’re denying care to patients who need it. This is your extra credit this week, but I want you to talk about it now.

Cohrs: I’ll talk about it early. Yes. So my colleagues, Casey Ross and Bob Herman have been digging into the role of algorithms in insurance decisions for the past year. And they just released a new story this week about — with internal documents of a subsidiary called naviHealth of UnitedHealth — showing that the company was instructing managers to keep care timelines for a really expensive rehab that older people, I think, need after having injuries or something like that within 1% of the time that this algorithm was predicting, regardless of what their actual human doctors were saying. And truly, the stories behind these care denials are just really horrifying … of somebody who had a knee surgery and was expected to slide on their butt down the stairs because they weren’t paying for rehab. Families who’ve had to pay tens of thousands of dollars out of their own pocket after this care was denied because they saw that their loved one clearly needed money, and there was a class-action lawsuit filed, then after the story was published, by people who had deceased relatives who had UnitedHealthcare MA plans, and were denied rehab and later died. And so I think it’s just really eye-opening as to the actual instructions by managers inside the company saying that this is your expectation, and if you’re not keeping coverage care rehab timelines within this 1% margin, then you aren’t performing up to our standards.

Rovner: So this is basically AI being used to deny care. We keep talking about AI and health care. This is it, right? This is an algorithm that says, “Person who goes into rehab with these kinds of problems should only need 19 days.” And if you need more than that, tough. That’s essentially what’s going on here, right?

Cohrs: And the lawsuit did highlight as well that when people did appeal, they won most of the time, but most people didn’t appeal, and the company knew that. And so I think that was also part of the lawsuit that came up. It’s hard to prove intent with these things or what is a denial based on an algorithm? But I think this lays out the case in as explicit terms as we’ve ever seen from the internal side.

Rovner: It does. All right, well let us move on from Medicare to Medicaid, the unwinding — involving reviewing everyone on the program to make sure they’re still eligible now that the pandemic emergency has expired — continues with more than 10 million people now having lost their coverage, according to the tracker being updated by my KFF colleagues. And state Medicaid directors are predicting a year-over-year decrease in enrollment of 8.6%, which is pretty dramatically large. We also know that more than 70% of those being disenrolled may in fact still be eligible, but the state was unable to locate them or they didn’t file the right paperwork. Ironically, even with a much smaller caseload, state Medicaid spending is likely to rise because the additional payments that were provided by the federal government also expired at the end of the public health emergency. So states are basically having to pay more per enrollee than they were paying even when they were leaving everybody on the rolls. Advocates have been complaining all year that the Biden administration isn’t doing enough to ensure that states aren’t tossing people off who should still be covered. Has anything changed on that front? I know that the administration is sort of caught between this rock and a hard place. They don’t want to come out guns blazing and have states saying that they’re making this politicized. On the other hand, the numbers are getting pretty big and there’s increasing evidence that a lot of the people who are being relieved of their coverage should still have it.

Ollstein: Including a lot of children who absolutely did not do anything wrong in this situation. And so it kind of reminds me of some stuff during covid, where the Biden administration did not want to get into a public fight with GOP-controlled states and was trying to negotiate behind the scenes to get the policies they wanted to protect people. But at the same time, not wanting that open confrontation means that a lot of this is continuing to go on unchecked. And so the data is coming out showing that a lot of people who are losing coverage are not reenrolling in other coverage. Some are, but a lot are not. And so I think now that we’re getting, going to get into Obamacare open enrollment, I think that’ll be really key to see — can we scoop up a lot of these newly uninsured people?

Rovner: And we did, we saw the administration put out a press release saying that the early part of open enrollment has seemed very large, much larger-than-expected enrollment. And you kind of wonder, I’m kind of wondering, how many of those people were people who got kicked off of Medicaid. And, of course, we know that when people got kicked off of Medicaid, they were supposed to be steered to the Affordable Care Act, for which they would’ve obviously been eligible. But I’m wondering whether some of those people didn’t get steered and now that they’re seeing that enrollment is open, it’s like, “Oh, maybe I can get this.” I have not seen anybody answer that question, but it’s certainly a question in my mind.

Cohrs: Right. And coverage is more affordable as well because subsidies from the covid-era spending bills do extend through 2025. But again, people might see increases in costs once those end, if Congress doesn’t extend them. So even if we do see some people moving from Medicaid to ACA enrollment, then there’s a chance that they could see spikes in a pretty short amount of time.

Rovner: Yeah, I’ll be curious to see as open enrollment continues, whether they can break down where some of those people are coming from. All right, now it is time for “This Week in Health Misinformation.” I have chosen a KFF Health News story, which is also my extra credit this week, from science journalist Amy Maxmen, called “How Lawmakers in Texas and Florida Undermine Covid Vaccination Efforts.” It seems that in Texas health departments and other organizations funded by the states are now prohibited from advertising or recommending covid vaccines or even saying that they are available, unless that’s in conjunction with telling them about other vaccines that are available, too. In Florida, as we have talked about here before, the health department has issued specific guidance recommending against the new covid vaccine for children and teens and now men under the age of 40. Unless you think this hasn’t had any impact before the vaccines were available, Democrats and Republicans were dying of covid in roughly equal proportions in Florida and Ohio, according to a study published earlier this summer in the journal JAMA Internal Medicine.

But by the end of 2021, which was the first full year that covid vaccines were widely available, Republicans had an excess death rate of 43% higher than Democrats. So medical misinformation has consequences. All right, now it is time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Rachel, you’ve done yours already. Alice, why don’t you go next?

Ollstein: Sure. So I have a very depressing one out of The New York Times by Jack Healy and it’s called “They Wanted to Get Sober. They Got a Nightmare Instead.” And it is about these fraudulent, scammy addiction treatment facilities in Arizona, but it notes that they do exist in other states as well, that have been bilking the state Medicaid program for just millions and millions and millions of dollars and providing inadequate or nonexistent treatment to really vulnerable people in need, with very deadly consequences. And the places profiled in this piece really went after Native American folks specifically. So very sad report, but it sounds like more attention on this is leading to the state cracking down on places like this. So, hopefully, we’ll make some progress there.

Rovner: Yeah, quite a story, Joanne.

Kenen: This is a story, part of an ongoing series from Mississippi Today, in conjunction with ProPublica’s local reporting network: “Mississippi Jailed More Than 800 People Awaiting Psychiatric Treatment in a Year. Just One Jail Meets State Standards.” It’s by Isabella Taft. In Mississippi, if you’re unfortunate enough to have such serious mental illness that a court orders you to have treatment and there’s no room in a state hospital, they put you in jail while you wait for a room in state hospitals. And sometimes they’re housed in these facilities or rooms that are meant for people with severe mental illness, but they’re awful. And sometimes they’re just housed with a regular prison population. And the sheriffs say, “Wait a minute, it’s not really our problem to be housing … state hospitals have to fix this.” And they have a point! But in the meantime, that’s who they have. That’s where they end up. They end up in these jails, these local jails, and the sheriffs are responsible. And only one hospital meets the state certification for what these people need.

And some of these stays. They’re not like two days, they can be prolonged. There’ve been a lot of deaths, there’ve been a lot of suicides. It’s a really pretty disturbing situation. It’s sort of the mental health crisis and the mental health provider shortage and countrywide really writ large among some of the most vulnerable people.

Rovner: All right, well, we’ve had four grim extra credits this week, but they’re all good stories. OK, that is our show. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review; that helps other people find us, too. Special thanks this week to Zach Dyer for filling in as our technical guru while Francis [Ying] takes some much-deserved time off. We’re going to take next week off, too, for the Thanksgiving holiday. As always, you can email us your comments or questions or your suggestions for our medical misinformation segment. We are at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can still find me at X, @jrovner, or @julierovner at Bluesky and Threads. Alice?

Ollstein: @AliceOllstein on X, and at AliceMiranda on Bluesky.

Rovner: Rachel.

Cohrs: I’m @rachelcohrs on X and rchohrsreporter on Threads.

Rovner: Joanne.

Kenen: @JoanneKenen on X, and I’m increasingly switched to Threads at @joannekenen1.

Rovner: We will be back in your feed in two weeks. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Zach Dyer
Audio producer

Stephanie Stapleton
Editor

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Money talks.

The United States faces a serious shortage of primary care physicians for many reasons, but one, in particular, is inescapable: compensation.

Substantial disparities between what primary care physicians earn relative to specialists like orthopedists and cardiologists can weigh into medical students’ decisions about which field to choose. Plus, the system that Medicare and other health plans use to pay doctors generally places more value on doing procedures like replacing a knee or inserting a stent than on delivering the whole-person, long-term health care management that primary care physicians provide.

As a result of those pay disparities, and the punishing workload typically faced by primary care physicians, more new doctors are becoming specialists, often leaving patients with fewer choices for primary care.

“There is a public out there that is dissatisfied with the lack of access to a routine source of care,” said Christopher Koller, president of the Milbank Memorial Fund, a foundation that focuses on improving population health and health equity. “That’s not going to be addressed until we pay for it.”

Primary care is the foundation of our health care system, the only area in which providing more services — such as childhood vaccines and regular blood pressure screenings — is linked to better population health and more equitable outcomes, according to the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, in a recently published report on how to rebuild primary care. Without it, the national academies wrote, “minor health problems can spiral into chronic disease,” with poor disease management, emergency room overuse, and unsustainable costs. Yet for decades, the United States has underinvested in primary care. It accounted for less than 5% of health care spending in 2020 — significantly less than the average spending by countries that are members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, according to the report.

A $26 billion piece of bipartisan legislation proposed last month by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), chair of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, and Sen. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.) would bolster primary care by increasing training opportunities for doctors and nurses and expanding access to community health centers. Policy experts say the bill would provide important support, but it’s not enough. It doesn’t touch compensation.

“We need primary care to be paid differently and to be paid more, and that starts with Medicare,” Koller said.

How Medicare Drives Payment

Medicare, which covers 65 million people who are 65 and older or who have certain long-term disabilities, finances more than a fifth of all health care spending — giving it significant muscle in the health care market. Private health plans typically base their payment amounts on the Medicare system, so what Medicare pays is crucial.

Under the Medicare payment system, the amount the program pays for a medical service is determined by three geographically weighted components: a physician’s work, including time and intensity; the practice’s expense, such as overhead and equipment; and professional insurance. It tends to reward specialties that emphasize procedures, such as repairing a hernia or removing a tumor, more than primary care, where the focus is on talking with patients, answering questions, and educating them about managing their chronic conditions.

Medical students may not be familiar with the particulars of how the payment system works, but their clinical training exposes them to a punishing workload and burnout that is contributing to the shortage of primary care physicians, projected to reach up to 48,000 by 2034, according to estimates from the Association of American Medical Colleges.

The earnings differential between primary care and other specialists is also not lost on them. Average annual compensation for doctors who focus on primary care — family medicine, internists, and pediatricians — ranges from an average of about $250,000 to $275,000, according to Medscape’s annual physician compensation report. Many specialists make more than twice as much: Plastic surgeons top the compensation list at $619,000 annually, followed by orthopedists ($573,000) and cardiologists ($507,000).

“I think the major issues in terms of the primary care physician pipeline are the compensation and the work of primary care,” said Russ Phillips, an internist and the director of the Harvard Medical School Center for Primary Care. “You have to really want to be a primary care physician when that student will make one-third of what students going into dermatology will make,” he said.

According to statistics from the National Resident Matching Program, which tracks the number of residency slots available for graduating medical students and the number of slots filled, 89% of 5,088 family medicine residency slots were filled in 2023, compared with a 93% residency fill rate overall. Internists had a higher fill rate, 96%, but a significant proportion of internal medicine residents eventually practice in a specialty area rather than in primary care.

No one would claim that doctors are poorly paid, but with the average medical student graduating with just over $200,000 in medical school debt, making a good salary matters.

Not in It for the Money

Still, it’s a misperception that student debt always drives the decision whether to go into primary care, said Len Marquez, senior director of government relations and legislative advocacy at the Association of American Medical Colleges.

For Anitza Quintero, 24, a second-year medical student at the Geisinger Commonwealth School of Medicine in rural Pennsylvania, primary care is a logical extension of her interest in helping children and immigrants. Quintero’s family came to the United States on a raft from Cuba before she was born. She plans to focus on internal medicine and pediatrics.

“I want to keep going to help my family and other families,” she said. “There’s obviously something attractive about having a specialty and a high pay grade,” Quintero said. Still, she wants to work “where the whole body is involved,” she said, adding that long-term doctor-patient relationships are “also attractive.”

Quintero is part of the Abigail Geisinger Scholars Program, which aims to recruit primary care physicians and psychiatrists to the rural health system in part with a promise of medical school loan forgiveness. Health care shortages tend to be more acute in rural areas.

These students’ education costs are covered, and they receive a $2,000 monthly stipend. They can do their residency elsewhere, but upon completing it they return to Geisinger for a primary care job with the health care system. Every year of work there erases one year of the debt covered by their award. If they don’t take a job with the health care system, they must repay the amount they received.

Payment Imbalances a Source of Tension

In recent years, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which administers the Medicare program, has made changes to address some of the payment imbalances between primary care and specialist services. The agency has expanded the office visit services for which providers can bill to manage their patients, including adding non-procedural billing codes for providing transitional care, chronic care management, and advance care planning.

In next year’s final physician fee schedule, the agency plans to allow another new code to take effect, G2211. It would let physicians bill for complex patient evaluation and management services. Any physician could use the code, but it is expected that primary care physicians would use it more frequently than specialists. Congress has delayed implementation of the code since 2021.

The new code is a tiny piece of overall payment reform, “but it is critically important, and it is our top priority on the Hill right now,” said Shari Erickson, chief advocacy officer for the American College of Physicians.

It also triggered a tussle that highlights ongoing tension in Medicare physician payment rules.

The American College of Surgeons and 18 other specialty groups published a statement describing the new code as “unnecessary.” They oppose its implementation because it would primarily benefit primary care providers who, they say, already have the flexibility to bill more for more complex visits.

But the real issue is that, under federal law, changes to Medicare physician payments must preserve budget neutrality, a zero-sum arrangement in which payment increases for primary care providers mean payment decreases elsewhere.

“If they want to keep it, they need to pay for it,” said Christian Shalgian, director of the division of advocacy and health policy for the American College of Surgeons, noting that his organization will continue to oppose implementation otherwise.

Still, there’s general agreement that strengthening the primary care system through payment reform won’t be accomplished by tinkering with billing codes.

The current fee-for-service system doesn’t fully accommodate the time and effort primary care physicians put into “small-ticket” activities like emails and phone calls, reviews of lab results, and consultation reports. A better arrangement, they say, would be to pay primary care physicians a set monthly amount per patient to provide all their care, a system called capitation.

“We’re much better off paying on a per capita basis, get that monthly payment paid in advance plus some extra amount for other things,” said Paul Ginsburg, a senior fellow at the University of Southern California Schaeffer Center for Health Policy and Economics and former commissioner of the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission.

But if adding a single five-character code to Medicare’s payment rules has proved challenging, imagine the heavy lift involved in overhauling the program’s entire physician payment system. MedPAC and the national academies, both of which provide advice to Congress, have weighed in on the broad outlines of what such a transformation might look like. And there are targeted efforts in Congress: for instance, a bill that would add an annual inflation update to Medicare physician payments and a proposal to address budget neutrality. But it’s unclear whether lawmakers have strong interest in taking action.

“The fact that Medicare has been squeezing physician payment rates for two decades is making reforming their structure more difficult,” said Ginsburg. “The losers are more sensitive to reductions in the rates for the procedures they do.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF Health News

@jrovner

Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

After nearly a month of bickering, House Republicans finally elected a new speaker: Louisiana Republican Rep. Mike Johnson, a relative unknown to many. And while Johnson has a long history of opposition to abortion and LGBTQ+ rights, his positions on other health issues are still a bit of a question mark.

Meanwhile, a new study found that in the year following the overturn of Roe v. Wade, the number of abortions actually rose, particularly in states adjacent to those that now have bans or severe restrictions.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Rachel Cohrs of Stat, and Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

Panelists

Rachel Cohrs
Stat News

@rachelcohrs

Read Rachel's stories

Alice Miranda Ollstein
Politico

@AliceOllstein

Read Alice's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• New House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) doesn’t have much of a legislative record, but in a previous life he worked for the Christian conservative law firm Alliance Defending Freedom. ADF has been on the winning side of several major Supreme Court cases on social issues in the past decade, including the case that overturned Roe v. Wade.
• In Colorado this week, a federal judge ruled that the state cannot enforce a new law banning medication abortion “reversals,” an unproven treatment that most medical associations don’t recognize, because it could violate the religious rights of those who do advocate it.
• A new demonstration Medicaid program in Georgia to require low-income adults who want Medicaid coverage to prove they work a certain number of hours per week is off to a slow start, enrolling in its first three months only about 1,300 of the estimated 100,000 people who could be eligible.
• The National Institutes of Health may soon get a Senate-confirmed director for the first time in more than a year and a half. The Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, after a several-months delay, voted on a bipartisan basis to elevate National Cancer Institute chief Monica Bertagnolli to the top post at NIH. Notably, among the votes against her on the panel came from the committee chair, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who has been trying to leverage the nomination to win more drug pricing concessions from the Biden administration. Bertagnolli is still expected to win full Senate approval.
• Finally, in the first installment of a new podcast feature, “This Week in Medical Misinformation,” KFF Health News’ Liz Szabo writes about how Suzanne Somers, a popular TV actress from the late 1970s through the 1990s, used her fame to push questionable medical treatments, becoming an “influencer” long before there was such a thing.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Michael Cannon, director of health policy studies for the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, about his new book, “Recovery: A Guide to Reforming the U.S. Health Sector.”

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: The Washington Post’s “The Pandemic Has Faded in This Michigan County. The Mistrust Never Ended,” by Greg Jaffe and Patrick Marley.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Politico’s “Dozens of States Sue Meta Over Addictive Features Harming Kids,” by Rebecca Kern, Josh Sisco, and Alfred Ng.

Rachel Cohrs: The New York Times’ “Ozempic and Wegovy Don’t Cost What You Think They Do,” by Gina Kolata.

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

KFF Health News’ “Suzanne Somers’ Legacy Tainted by Celebrity Medical Misinformation,” by Liz Szabo.

click to open the transcript

Transcript: The New Speaker’s (Limited) Record on Health

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’Episode Title: The New Speaker’s (Limited) Record on HealthEpisode Number: 320Published: Oct. 26, 2023

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.]

Julie Rovner: Hello, and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News, and I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Oct. 26, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this, so here we go.

We are joined today via video conference by Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Good morning.

Rovner: And Rachel Cohrs of Stat News.

Rachel Cohrs: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview with Michael Cannon, noted libertarian health expert, about his new book called “Recovery: A Guide to Reforming the U.S. Health Sector.” But first, before we get onto this week’s news, a small correction from last week’s podcast. In talking about just how confusing open enrollment for Medicare is, I misstated the open enrollment dates. It runs this year from Oct. 15 to Dec. 7, not to Dec. 15. See, I said it was confusing.

All right, now to the news. Hey, we got a speaker of the House again! Mike Johnson is in his fourth term from the 4th District of Louisiana. He’s not strictly a backbencher; he was in the lower levels of House leadership. But I think it’s fair to say that a lot of people, including me, had no idea who he was until this week, other than that he was involved kind of heavily in trying to overturn the 2020 presidential election. And also, as far as I can tell, he’s not been active in health policy in Congress other than opposing abortion. What have you found out about Mike Johnson? Alice, you wrote about him, right?

Ollstein: Yeah, so I wrote about his anti-abortion record, and that’s just one facet. There has been a lot of good pieces this week on his opposition to gay rights and, on a lot of levels, trans rights, etc. But I focused on his anti-abortion record because that’s my beat. And so, yes, I think it’s worth noting that he used to work for the Alliance Defending Freedom, which is the conservative legal powerhouse that was behind the case that overturned Roe v. Wade, and is now spearheading the case trying to restrict abortion pills nationwide. They’re a part of a lot of other anti-abortion legal battles, as well. And, since coming to Congress, he has co-sponsored a lot of anti-abortion legislation, including bans at 15 weeks and six weeks, and none of those have gone anywhere, but that record has anti-abortion groups stating high hopes for his speakership.

But as we know, with such a narrow majority, House Republicans have been hesitant to really take big votes in anti-abortion space this year. And so, it will be interesting to watch how he navigates that.

Rovner: So, Rachel, we know he’s not on any of the major health committees. Has he done or said anything about any other parts of health care other than his Christian conservative lane?

Cohrs: Well, I think he actually has, and he has a more clear, I think, stance on health care reform more generally than a lot of the other candidates we saw because he did lead the Republican Study Committee. I think his term started in 2019, so he actually did sign on to a health care plan.

Rovner: How rare for a Republican.

Cohrs: Yeah, really. We don’t see many of those that are really spelled out. And there’s a whole white paper, it’s still on the internet, but I think it includes some policies that aren’t terribly surprising. It includes scaling back subsidies for ACA [Affordable Care Act] plans, empowering HSAs [health savings accounts], converting Medicaid funding into block grants for states, and also removing some of the ACA’s preexisting condition protections, and creating high-risk pools in states. So, it is substantive ideas about coverage and costs.

Rovner: It’s also Republican health care orthodoxy that goes back like 25 years, at this point.

Cohrs: Exactly, so nothing crazy, but we do have at least sort of a marker of where he’s at a couple of years ago. But again, I think there’s no reason to believe that he would pursue any of that anytime soon. He has a very full plate with a lot of other things.

Rovner: That’s what I was going to say, which is that Nancy Pelosi came to the speakership as one of the most liberal members of the House. That is certainly not the way she ran the speakership because, basically, her job was to find the votes for things and she had to please both the left wing of her party and the right wing of her party, and that’s hard enough for Democrats. It seems to be even harder these days for Republicans. So, no matter what his personal goals are, I guess we’re about to find out if he can actually bring together this unbelievably fractious Republican caucus.

Ollstein: And I just want to note, too, that it’s not just about the struggle to find the votes, which we saw in the very speakership debacle itself, but also, he has spoken about the need to protect their most vulnerable swing district members who are up for reelection next year. These are Republicans who are elected in districts that voted for Biden. And so those people do not want to vote on red-meat, controversial bills. We’re already hearing some issues coming up in appropriations, which is the first major hurdle he has to confront as speaker to avoid a government shutdown in just a few weeks, potentially.

And so not only is it about just getting enough votes to get bills through, but not putting these people in a position where Democrats will run a bunch of ads saying, oh, so-and-so voted for this anti-abortion thing, to try to knock them out.

Rovner: Well, while we are on the subject of abortion, there’s a lot of news there. I want to start with an update to something we talked about last week: the lawsuit in Colorado challenging the state’s new law banning medication abortion “reversals.” I put reversals in quotes. Over the weekend, a federal district court judge ruled that the law is likely unconstitutional and blocked the state from enforcing it. I imagine this is not the last we will hear about this case, right, Alice?

Ollstein: Oh, certainly. So as we discussed before, this is an issue that’s in multiple courts, potentially designed to create some sort of split that could go up to the Supreme Court and require them to weigh in. But this, in addition to the current case pending before the Supreme Court about abortion pill access, it really presents new territory, in terms of how courts could intervene in the practice of medicine.

Rovner: And as we mentioned in California, we have the opposite case going forward with the state suing a string of crisis pregnancy centers for false advertising for suggesting that they could reverse medication abortions, which, of course, is trying to give large doses of progesterone between the taking of the two medications that create a medication abortion. And it’s turned out to be that there is not a lot of scientific evidence suggesting that this is a thing. And when they tried to do a clinical trial, they had to stop it because women were having serious problems.

We also have an update from Ohio, whose November ballot measure we also talked about, and it’s right around the corner. It seems that the governor, who’s also a former senator, Mike DeWine, is going around saying that the constitutional amendment protecting abortion would allow for “partial birth abortions,” a controversial procedure that Congress actually banned in 2003 and that the Supreme Court upheld in 2007, and it’s a law that DeWine worked on when he was in the Senate. Are these scare tactics? Do we think he really believes that this is what this Ohio ballot measure would do?

Ollstein: This is among the greater arguments that are being made in Ohio around this amendment and saying it’s very similar to the arguments that anti-abortion groups and officials made in all of the states that held their own referendums last year. Basically that, should this pass, it’ll just be a complete abortion-palooza, no regulations, no nothing. And that has not panned out in those other states, and it’s especially unlikely to pan out in Ohio, given the makeup of the state legislature and Republicans controlling the state Supreme Court, all these levers of power, the governorship, etc.

And so this is not Michigan, where Democrats won control of the governorship and the Statehouse and are moving, although it remains to be seen how far they move to unwind some abortion restrictions. But that is not likely to happen in Ohio. I think these groups are parsing language in the amendment, itself, and extrapolating from that and saying, oh, this is a code word for this, and this is a code word for that, but it’s not in the text of the amendment, and because of the balance of powers in the state, it’s not likely to pan out that way,

Rovner: Although they do seem worried. Alice and I, we were both on this call the other night about all of the anti-abortion groups together trying to light a fire under their forces over this Ohio ballot measure, noting, of course, that there have been six votes since Roe was overturned in various states and that they have lost all of them. So Ohio will be a big deal in how this goes into next year.

Ollstein: Yeah, absolutely. It’ll be a big deal for Ohio. Of course, we have a six-week ban in that state that has been on hold. It has been blocked in court, but it very well could be unblocked and put back into effect if this amendment doesn’t pass. That’s the most immediate thing. So it’s a big deal for Ohio, but both sides have also made the case that it’s a big deal beyond Ohio. It really shows what kind of strategies and messaging are effective in these redder-purple states. If we can even call Ohio purple, at this point, it’s quite red.

Rovner: It is very red with one Democratic senator, basically.

Ollstein: Exactly, who is up for reelection next year. So that is going to be interesting, as well. He and other of the remaining endangered Democrats in the state are vocally supporting this, and so that should have an influence, as well, on their races.

Rovner: So we got an interesting study this week that found that abortions have actually increased in the year since Roe was overturned, although, not surprisingly, in the states where abortion was banned, where they dropped dramatically. Do we know, obviously, women are going to other states, but one would not have assumed that it would’ve gone up because we’ve talked about all the places where there were not enough slots, basically, for women wanting to terminate pregnancies and for women who were not able to travel. I was a little bit surprised by this. What did you make of it?

Ollstein: So first I want to give some big caveats. A lot of this data is guesswork. They acknowledge that a lot of the providers they reached out to for data just refused to respond, so they had to model it out based on what they were able to get. Also, this does not count any abortions that are happening outside the formal medical system. So people ordering pills from groups like Aid Access or whatnot, delivered to their home. We know that’s happening. We know that’s a very common thing, and so this doesn’t count any of that. But I think even given all these caveats, there’s some interesting things in there.

I think that what really caught my attention is not just that states like California that really moved to expand access massively, the people taking advantage of that are not just people traveling from red states. It is also reaching people who were in those blue states who struggled to access abortion even in those blue states before. And so they mentioned parts of rural California on the call announcing the data, specifically. So I found that interesting, too.

Rovner: So, well acknowledging, obviously, that more women are traveling to get abortions, abortion opponents are stepping up their efforts to make that illegal, too. This week, Lubbock County in Texas became the fourth Texas county to make it illegal to use its local highways to assist someone in traveling out of state for an abortion. On the one hand, even some anti-abortion lawyers doubt that this is constitutional. But on the other hand, a lot of these laws are more intended to chill behavior than to punish it, right, particularly in Texas?

Ollstein: Yes, like a lot of state laws and now municipal laws that are being passed in the post-Roe era, enforcement and the practicality of enforcement is not, necessarily, something that folks are very focused on because the chilling effect is the main goal. And I think this is true for bans on receiving abortion pills by mail. Unless you’re going through everyone’s mail, you wouldn’t really know. And so these travel bans, travel restrictions, as well, there has been a lot of heated rhetoric about, oh, are they going to set up checkpoints and give pregnancy tests to people? No, they’re not. If they were, please message us and tell us so we can report on it, but we haven’t seen that.

And I think the idea is that people are already scared. People are already confused about what’s legal and what’s not. We know that from polling. And so this just adds to that confusion, and if somebody is already unsure of what they’re allowed to do, this could be a further deterrent from them even pursuing the possibility of an abortion.

Rovner: Well, this will obviously continue. Let’s move on to Medicaid for a minute. Six months into the “unwinding,” an estimated 9 million Medicaid recipients have been removed from the rolls, some of whom are no longer eligible, but most of whom might still qualify, but either fell through the cracks or states were unable to locate them. Meanwhile, a new report from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation finds that if the 10 states that are still holding out from expanding Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act were to go ahead and expand, nearly 2.5 million more low-income adults would be added to the rolls and the uninsurance rate would drop by 25%.

One of those holdout states, Georgia, is trying to expand using a pilot program with work requirements for those who want to enroll. But so far, three months in, only about 1,300 people have enrolled out of an estimated 100,000 that are potentially eligible. Why is this off to such a slow start?

Cohrs: I think the story that you highlighted from The AP gave some reasons about just the paperwork having to be filed. And honestly, having looked at some safety-net programs, it is a lot to pull together if you’re pulling financial records and all of that. So I think there’s also just the bureaucratic issues that we see with these kinds of programs that are designed to keep people out almost. And I think it’ll be an interesting test case as it continues to move forward, whether uptick increases, whether outreach catches up, and whether nonprofit groups, grassroots organizations in the state can help people navigate the process. But certainly, the paperwork burden isn’t to be underestimated here.

Rovner: Alice, you covered when Arkansas tried to implement this for everybody and it did not go well because even the people who were working, the people who were technically able to fulfill the work requirements, had trouble reporting the fact that they were fulfilling the requirements. Do you think that’s going on at the beginning of the process here, in Georgia, whereas in Arkansas, everybody was suddenly required to do it?

Ollstein: Yeah. I think it’s definitely something to watch because, well, first of all, we know from years of data that the people within Medicaid who can work, are already working. The breakdown of those who are not employed, it’s children, it’s the elderly, it’s people with disabilities, it’s people caring for people with disabilities or an elderly relative, and so this is a massive effort that could, maybe, increase the workforce by a very small number of people. And so some of this is ideological about these kinds of benefits and who is deserving and undeserving and different opinions about that. But in terms of economics and cost-saving, we do not expect this to have a big benefit. And so it’s definitely worth watching if people are falling through the cracks, because in Arkansas people didn’t even know about the requirement or they didn’t have the internet access to be able to report their hours. Lots of different ways.

Rovner: And, of course, in Arkansas, people lost their coverage. Here in Georgia, it’s a matter of people not getting the coverage who are potentially eligible. So yeah, I think we will watch to see how this goes.

Well, back here in Washington, the National Institutes of Health appears on the road to having a Senate-confirmed director for the first time in a year and a half, as the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee voted 15 to 6 on Wednesday to elevate National Cancer Institute chief Monica Bertagnolli to the top spot. Interestingly, one of those no votes came from committee chairman Bernie Sanders, which is pretty much unheard of for a committee chair of the same party as the nominating president. Rachel, what is he trying to prove here, and might it threaten her nomination on the Senate floor, or do we think this is a relatively done deal?

Cohrs: With your first question, I think he, for months, delayed even having this hearing, having this confirmation vote because he wanted to use the only lever he has, which is holding up nominations to pressure the Biden administration to take a more hard-line stance at the NIH and include language in contracts with drugmakers to require some sort of fair pricing or ensuring the U.S. gets the best price when the NIH is investing money in various stages of drug development. So I think that has been his goal. And I think the Biden administration, specifically HHS [Department of Health and Human Services], threw him a bone with a covid therapeutic that’s in the works from Regeneron, but it’s not what he was hoping for. And I think he put out a letter criticizing the NIH granting an exclusive license to a company where a former employee of the NIH works who worked on the medication.

And so I think he is just trying to continue to use what leverage he has, but I think the vote — that this week was a very good vote for her because we saw several Republicans join Democrats in passing her through. Again, nominations only have a 50-vote threshold in the Senate, so they don’t need a whole lot of Republicans, and Sanders, I think, was the only Democrat to oppose her in committee. So it looks like smooth sailing for her whenever they can find floor time for her.

Rovner: Yeah, and I should point out that it is a time-honored tradition in the Senate to hold up a nomination for something that’s unrelated to the person who’s being nominated, for a senator to try and get something out of the administration. What’s odd is when it’s a senator of the same party. Usually it’s somebody from the opposite party of the president trying to stall a nomination in order to get something else that they want. So this was very unusual, I must say.

Cohrs: It was, and I will say, too, that given how politicized the NIH has become with unifunction[al] research or there’s a million things that Republicans could have chosen to take an ideological stance on. We saw this with FDA Commissioner Robert Califf’s confirmation, with CMS chief Chiquita Brooks-LaSure; John Cornyn came out of nowhere and was trying to make demands of her. So we just haven’t seen the full extent that we could have seen from the GOP and trying to hold up her nomination or extract something from the Biden administration.

Rovner: Well, it does still have to get through the floor, so there is time, yet, although I agree with you, it doesn’t look like it’s going to be a huge problem.

Well, finally, this week we are launching a new segment that I’m calling “This Week in Health Misinformation.” Our first featured story is from my KFF Health news colleague Liz Szabo, and it’s called “Suzanne Somers’ Legacy Tainted by Celebrity Medical Misinformation.” It turns out that Somers, who died earlier this month, spun her sitcom fame into an entire career pushing questionable medical treatments and forgoing chemotherapy when she was diagnosed with breast cancer. Basically, in the words of one doctor quoted in this story, “She became an influencer on menopause before being an influencer was even a thing.” And lots of people who believed her were probably worse off because of it.

This is obviously something that continues to this day. We see lots of celebrities pushing dubious things. It used to just be those who were rich enough or who worked for a company that was wealthy enough to advertise on TV, even if it was in the middle of the night, but now we have social media, and this kind of misinformation is pretty rampant, right?

Cohrs: It is. I thought Axios actually had an interesting piece this week, as well, about anecdotal reports of doctors where patients are interested in getting off of birth control pills, even with everything that we’re seeing with the overturning of Roe v. Wade. And I think, again, that story you mentioned, the influencer space where people are trying to sell apps, trying to sell alternatives, spreading information about how it affects your hormone levels. And I think patients don’t have a primary care doctor where they can ask some of these questions in an evidence-based place. I think, certainly, people of all ages are getting information from these influencers on social media, and I think that it is a very interesting trend to see how that’s going to play out from doctors’ side.

Like you said, we’ve seen drug companies advertise on TV for a long time trying to influence the care that patients are getting in the office. But I think we’re seeing these other sources start to influence the choices that patients are making. It’s a really interesting trend.

Ollstein: And I think these influencers and purveyors of misinformation, they’re really taking advantage of real frustrations with the formal medical system and how it has cared for women and our needs over time and ignored people’s complaints and dismissed them, and the fact that technology has not advanced on a lot of these fronts for a long time. So I think that leaves an opening for folks to come in and take advantage of that frustration and confusion and offer a solution that may possibly be even worse.

Rovner: All right, well that is this week’s news. Now we will play my interview with my favorite libertarian health policy expert, Michael Cannon, and then we will come back with our extra credits.

I am thrilled to welcome to the podcast Michael Cannon, who’s director of health policy studies at the Cato Institute, the libertarian think tank here, in Washington. He’s the author of a new book about how to fix our broken health care system and one of my favorite people to argue with about health policy. Michael, welcome to “What the Health?’” It’s great to have you here.

Michael Cannon: Great to be here.

Rovner: So we’ll get to the book in a minute, but first, tell us the difference between the libertarian view of health care and the traditional Democratic or Republican view. I think a lot of people don’t understand that.

Cannon: Well, that actually is a good intro to the book, because the book provides a broad overview of health care, but it starts from the very simple principle that you have rights when it comes to your health care, and the most important right you have is the right to make your own health decisions. That’s where libertarians start, and that means that libertarians end up agreeing with Republicans on some things, and Democrats on other things, because neither party really takes that principle and carries it throughout all aspects of the health care debate. So we might end up agreeing with Republicans that states should not expand the Medicaid program, but we end up agreeing with Democrats.

I would say that people end up agreeing with us that women should get to make their own decisions when it comes to contraceptives, and the government should not be requiring women — if you’ve got a willing seller of oral contraceptives and a willing buyer, the government has no business stepping in between them and requiring women to get a permission slip from a government-appointed gatekeeper, what we call a prescription from a doctor, in order to buy oral contraceptives. In 100 other countries around the world, women can purchase oral contraceptives without a permission slip from a government-appointed gatekeeper without a prescription. But in the United States, the government takes away women’s right to do that. And so Democrats uphold that principle that people should give to make their own health decisions in that realm, but not in others.

Rovner: And should there be an FDA? Should there be a government referee to decide what’s safe?

Cannon: So there should be referees and there should be better referees than the one we have, and that’s actually something that I cover in the book. When you give the government the power to decide whether drugs can come onto the market or not and use the criteria of whether they are safe and effective before they can come onto the market, what ends up happening is the government imposes its values on people, its values about what is safe enough and what is effective enough. And while it does keep some unsafe drugs off the market, and that’s good, it saves lives that way. It also keeps a lot of safe and beneficial drugs off of the market in ways that harm people.

Another example of this is, again, contraceptives. Not just how the government is requiring women to get a prescription in order to buy oral contraceptives, but for a long time, the government was prohibiting emergency contraception, then prohibiting it without a prescription, and then prohibiting it unless you were of a certain age, and there was this huge fight. You covered this story.

Rovner: For many years.

Cannon: To get the government out of the way here, but it’s even worse than that. If you look at the original introduction of the oral contraceptive pill in 1960, there were other countries that had approved the pill earlier. And so when the FDA delayed the introduction of that product onto the market, that had a huge impact. Not only did it violate people’s rights, which is really important — it violates the principle of equality when the government does that — but keeping that beneficial product off the market had tremendous costs. The most recent winner of the Nobel Prize in economics, Claudia Goldin, did a lot of research showing that when the pill finally came onto the market, women were able to delay marriage. They were able to delay conception and marriage and invest in education, and we saw huge gains in women’s equality as a result of that. But when the FDA kept that drug off the market, it delayed the cause of women’s equality.

So do we want someone to provide safety and efficacy assurance? Absolutely. And if we left this to people outside of the government, not only would that system be consistent with your right to make your own health decisions, but we would get better safety and efficacy certification. And I talk about one of the ways that would happen in the book using the example of Vioxx. This is a non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug that the FDA pulled off the market years ago. Most people, when I ask this question, don’t know the answer, but I bet you do, Julie. Do you remember where they got the evidence showing that Vioxx led to adverse cardiac events, that it was killing people?

Rovner: I do not remember.

Cannon: It was Kaiser Permanente. Kaiser Permanente, which has been investing in electronic health records since the 1960s. Once there were questions about whether Vioxx was causing heart attacks, they said, “Well, you know what? We’ve got all these records. We’ve got lots of people who’ve been taking Vioxx. Let’s do a retrospective observational study, trying to control for everything that we can, and we’ll see if there’s an impact.” And they found there was one, and that convinced the FDA that this drug that the FDA had led on the market, was, in fact, killing people. And so here you have a market-generated way of testing drugs and certifying safety and efficacy that beat the FDA, that did a better job than the FDA did at keeping unsafe drugs off of the market.

Rovner: The FDA will argue that the whole point of the way they approve drugs is that you’re supposed to test them after they get on the market, when they’re in a bigger population, in case there were things that were not seen in the original studies.

Cannon: But there’s definitely a flaw in the FDA’s model is they do randomized controlled trials, or they require randomized controlled trials, that have a few thousand patients in them that will not, cannot detect effects like those of Vioxx because the effects are so small and you will not be able to detect it until hundreds of thousands or millions of people are taking that drug. And so that is a flaw in the FDA’s model.

It’s a flaw in the whole idea of giving government the power to make these decisions and relying on government for safety and efficacy certification because if the government had never gotten involved, if we had left this completely to market forces, then I argue in the book that institutions like Kaiser Permanente, that have the motive and the means and the opportunity to test drugs … all along the way, they would not stop, like the FDA does, at testing it a few thousand people, they would keep monitoring drugs throughout, as the population taking those drugs increases, and they would catch the harmful side effects of drugs a lot faster than the FDA did. But we only have one Kaiser Permanente right now. And the reason we do is because a raft of things that the government has done to violate people’s rights to choose that sort of health plan.

Rovner: And also, we have a vast market in electronic medical records. They were all supposed to be able to talk to each other and they can’t, but let’s not go there. I don’t want to get too far off track.

Cannon: But the electronic records we have right now are there because government spent so many years suppressing them, by suppressing plans like Kaiser, that naturally invested in them, and then woke up one morning and said, well, gosh, we spent decades suppressing electronic health records, and I do talk about this in the book. Why don’t we subsidize them, now? And so now Medicare is subsidizing meaningful use of electronic medical records and they’re still not doing what the Kaiser records do because they’re not interoperable and they don’t focus on a defined patient population so that you can monitor them over time and detect these sorts of effects. That’s another wonderful illustration, electronic health records are, of the things that go wrong when you let government make these decisions for people.

Rovner: So, and I think you’ve already gotten to this. One of the biggest complaints about our health care system now is how ridiculously complicated it is for the average patient to navigate. How would what you’re supporting make that easier?

Cannon: So every economic system, whether we’re talking about socialism and communism on one of the end, and totally free markets on the other end, and things like mixed welfare states or crony capital, it doesn’t matter what economic system you’re talking about, it’s going to serve whoever controls the money. And so if you want a system that is simpler for consumers to understand, then you have to set up a system where nobody gets any money unless consumers understand, unless they’re providing consumers what the consumer wants.

The U.S. health sector consumes about $4.6 trillion, at this point. It’s about one-sixth of GDP on its way to six-sixths of GDP. And most of that money, the consumers don’t control it. One of the things that I write about in the book is I include some OECD [Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development] data that shows that in the United States, government controls, directly or indirectly, about 85% of health spending. That’s the eighth-highest of all OECD countries. Is just two or three percentage points behind the No. 1 country, which I think is Norway or Germany. It keeps changing from year to year. But that’s a larger share that, in countries like the U.K. and Canada that have explicitly socialized systems. So here we have the government compelling people to spend 85% of what we spend on health care the way the government wants, or the way that employers want, and that the industry ends up capturing those decisions about how people have to spend those resources, and we wonder why the system isn’t serving consumers very well.

So what I propose in the book is a number of things, a number of changes that would return that $4.6 trillion that we spend every year on health care to the consumers so that the system would serve them. You have to change the tax code to do that, you have to change the Medicare program and other things to do that, but I think that’s the only way to make things simpler for consumers. And there’s evidence in the book that when consumers are in control of the money, the system does become simpler for them. It provides them the price information they want and becomes easier for them to navigate.

Rovner: So transparency, which I know is a linchpin to a lot of this, and that you’ve been talking about for many more years than, I think, before it even got trendy. It’s one of the few things that Republicans and Democrats have agreed on for years, but it’s been much harder to make happen than I think anybody expected. Even with the power of government, we’re seeing, for example, hospitals pretty flagrantly ignoring the rule that they’re supposed to post prices in a consumer-accessible way. If the government can’t make it happen, how can consumers make it happen?

Cannon: I’m so glad you asked, Julie, because there’s evidence in the book on that. There’s this, what I call the most important chart you’ve never seen in health policy. It collects the results from a series of studies that employers like Safeway and the CalPERS system, for health benefits for California state employees, they did a series of experiments that put the patient in control of the money that they were going to be spending on — things like lab tests and colonoscopies, a knee and shoulder or arthroscopy, MRIs, CT scans, hip and knee replacements.

Rovner: Shoppable services, right?

Cannon: Yeah, what we call shoppable …

Rovner: They’re not emergencies, right?

Cannon: What we call shoppable services. Because the insurance companies and these employers could not get the prices down for these services, try as they might. They had hospitals charging them $60,000 for a hip and knee replacement when others were charging 12, and there was no difference in quality. The hospitals were just exploiting their market, or monopoly, power.

So what CalPERS did in the case of hip and knee replacements was they said, “Look, the hip and knee replacement candidates can go to any hospital they want, but we’re going to pay $30,000 no matter where they go. And if they go to a hospital that charges more than that, then they have to pay the balance.” As soon as the consumer had an incentive to care about price, an amazing thing happened. Not just with hip and knee replacements, but with everything else. They started demanding price information from hospitals. The hospitals began giving them the price information, making prices transparent, and then the consumer started changing their behavior by switching from the high-priced hospitals to the low-priced hospitals. And then the most amazing and glorious thing, and it’s why this is, that chart is the most important chart in health care, hospitals began dropping their prices.

The high-priced hospitals dropped the price for hip and knee replacements by $16,000 per procedure. On average, that was a 37% reduction in just two years. When do you ever see prices falling like that in health care? And if you care about universal health care, then that chart is the most important chart you have ever seen because if you care about your universal health care, nothing is more important than falling prices. But that series of experiments also illustrates that if you care about price transparency, then you want to change who controls the money so that it’s the consumer, so that health care providers have to provide transparent prices and other information that consumers want, or else they’re not going to make any money.

Rovner: So, we’ve both been around Washington for a very long time, and we know that, with very few exceptions, things only happen extremely incrementally. That’s the only way anything gets through either the Congress or the administration or, God forbid, both. So what would be one thing that you think we could do to put the system on a path to where you think it would work better?

Cannon: So in the book, you will not find Michael’s perfectly ideal conception of what a health care sector would look like. I do try to — and I should mention, the book takes that principle that you should be able to make your health decisions, and it applies them throughout the health sector. It looks at clinician licensing at the state level, state health insurance, licensing and regulation laws, health facilities regulation, medical malpractice, the tax code, Medicare, Medicaid, veterans’ benefits. And I would love to have a conversation about that sometime because that’s particularly topical, nowadays. But in each case, I don’t try to present what is the perfect libertarian idea. I try to put out there what I think is the biggest step that people would be willing to talk about, and then some incremental steps that we could take along the way. And in some cases, those incremental steps are actually pretty small, but in other cases, the incremental steps are a little bigger because it wouldn’t make sense to make them any smaller.

And well, let me give you an example. The tax code imposes a payroll tax and an income tax on every dollar of cash that you earn from your employer, up to a point, to be technically accurate, Social Security tax ends at a point. But it does not tax that dollar if your employer provides it to you in the form of health insurance. And what this arguably does is it creates what is, functionally, a mandate. Either you take some portion of your money of your compensation as health insurance, or if you want to take that money as cash and buy your own health insurance, you have to pay higher taxes, and that’s effectively a penalty if you don’t enroll in the kind of health plan the government wants you to enroll in. And I call this the original sin of U.S. health policy because that one mistake, which is an accident that Congress and the Treasury Department stumbled into, has caused just about every form of dysfunction that you will find in the U.S. health sector, and what it doesn’t cause, it made worse. And so the worst part might be that it separates workers from a trillion dollars of their earnings and lets employers control that trillion dollars year after year.

So what I propose is to change the tax code in a way that lets workers control that trillion dollars, lets them choose their health plan, and that levels the playing field between employer-sponsored insurance and other forms of insurance so they’re able to purchase health insurance that doesn’t disappear when their job does. And that might sound like a pretty big step, and I think that, kind of, it is, but it’s not as big as most people would think, I imagine, because the way I propose doing this would, I think, cap the exclusion for the first time, which is something that appeals to Democrats. They tried to do that in the Affordable Care Act. It didn’t work because it was just pure austerity, if all you do is tax health benefits. But what this proposal would do is return that trillion dollars to workers, which is, in effect, a tax cut and a progressive tax cut because it would mean more to low-income workers than high-income workers.

The average amount that employers spend on family coverage for their workers is $17,000 per year. The most recent [KFF] report just came out said, now, up to $17,000 per year, and that’s $17,000 of the worker’s earnings. So returning that money to the worker so they can control it, that’ll mean a lot to someone making six figures, but it’s going to mean a hell of a lot more to someone making $50,000 a year. They get to control a much larger share of their income. So it’s a progressive tax, but it also benefits people with expensive medical conditions more because they would get a bigger cash out than the average. Women, people with obesity, and so forth, that the economic research shows us they are actually losing control over a larger share of their earnings.

So the approach that I propose to reform the tax code might seem like a big step. I don’t think it’s going to happen in this Congress, but I think once people get their heads around how it actually serves both Democratic priorities and Republican priorities that may not only happen, but happen on a bipartisan basis.

Rovner: I can’t resist asking this question because economists love the idea of doing something about the employer tax exclusion for — I think it’s the largest single tax expenditure in the federal budget. But in the past, they’d always said, but what will consumers do if you give them back this money? There’s no market for them. Well, thanks to the Affordable Care Act, now there is a market for them, but you hated the Affordable Care Act. Would you not acknowledge, at some point, that now at least it’s more doable because if you give them back that money, there’s someplace for them to go and spend it on?

Cannon: So if people know me for anything, the role I played in trying to roll back or eliminate the Affordable Care Act. And so if folks who love Obamacare want some reason to dismiss what I have to say, there’s that. That’s there. I still think there’s a lot in the book for fans of Obamacare, but I gladly concede your point, Julie. One of the hardest parts about reforming the tax exclusion for employer-sponsored insurance is that if you do that, if you level the playing field between the employer market and the individual market for health insurance, there is a risk that some employers might drop their health plans and leave people with expensive medical conditions high and dry. That was the fear that Barack Obama exploited to great effect against John McCain in the 2008 presidential campaign, when John McCain proposed a universal tax credit. I think that was a bad proposal, and I’m not sorry that it failed, but listeners who don’t recall should look up “Barack Obama yarn commercial” and they’ll be able to see that 30-second television spot.

But as much as I do not like the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare, as much as I think it has increased the cost and reduced the quality of health insurance, for everybody, I must concede that, now that it exists, it makes reforming the tax exclusion for employer-sponsored health insurance a lot easier. Because if someone says to me, Cannon, why should we go along with this plan of yours? What if employers drop coverage? I would say, well, first of all, employers are not likely to drop coverage. The Affordable Care Act has taught us that. Everyone thought that after Obamacare passed, employers would drop coverage. They really haven’t in the numbers we expected. But even if they do, there is that heavily regulated, heavily subsidized market that we call the exchanges that will be there for people whose employers do drop their coverage. So that becomes one less reason not to reform the tax exclusion.

Rovner: Such a good example of how it’s going to take everybody’s ideas to actually make all of this work. Michael Cannon, thank you so much. This has been fun. I could go on, I know you could go on, but we should stop now. We’ll have you back soon.

Cannon: That’d be great. Thank you so much, Julie.

Rovner: OK, we are back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org, and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Alice, why don’t you go first this week?

Ollstein: Sure. So I chose a piece by my colleagues on our technology team about a massive set of lawsuits filed against Meta, which owns Facebook and Instagram. So this is challenging them for lying about their practices regarding children on their platforms, and not doing enough to prevent mental health problems for those children. And the massive array of lawsuits here, from state attorneys general, is being compared to the tobacco lawsuits that resulted in massive settlements and policy changes. And so it remains to be seen if this will result in the same, but I think there’s just been a lot of focus, especially recently, on how these platforms are designed to be addictive, are designed to push content that is outrageous, upsetting, etc., just to keep people scrolling and scrolling and scrolling, and especially how that’s impacting children. We’ve had a lot of concerns about mental health during the pandemic where kids were out of school, and thus, getting sucked into these sort of apps even more. So definitely something to follow.

Rovner: It is. Rachel.

Cohrs: So my story this week, the headline is “Ozempic and Wegovy Don’t Cost What You Think They Do,” from The New York Times and Gina Kolata. I thought this story was interesting. It essentially is a writeup of a study by the American Enterprise Institute just pointing out that net prices for these popular weight loss drugs are lower than their list prices, which may be true. And I think that she points out this interesting historical precedent with hepatitis C medications where they were really transformative, and initially …

Rovner: And crazy expensive.

Cohrs: Yes, very expensive. Also curative, which these drugs are not. But once more competition came on the market, prices did eventually go down, was the example of competition working, how, in theory, it should in this space. And certainly, we could see a similar dynamic play out with these medications. But one thing I think that just personally frustrates me as a reporter is the pharmaceutical industry likes to talk about how net prices are so much lower than list prices, and they’re so frustrated with the focus on list prices, but they never want to tell us what the net prices are. And I think that just puts reporters in a really difficult position where we don’t really know what truth is. And obviously, insurance companies are trying to spin things their own way, and pharma companies are trying to spin stuff their own way and nobody wants to show us the numbers. So I think that puts us in a difficult position.

Also, just would like to point out that a lot of employers’ insurance plans don’t necessarily cover these medications. It has been an uphill battle. Certainly there’s been progress, some state benefits plans, but there are cost concerns with these medications and I think there’s just some counter-programming here, with a new argument about the cost effectiveness long term. I thought it was an interesting point, not one that necessarily is new. And if insurance companies are covering these drugs, then patients are still stuck paying the out-of-pocket price. So interesting thought and would be good to include in cost-benefit analyses going forward. But again, if insurance companies, if pharmaceutical companies aren’t going to give us the numbers, then it just makes it really difficult to crunch those.

Rovner: I was actually interested in this story because one of the big things that I feel like people keep missing with these drugs is that they’re making these long-term assumptions that these drugs are always going to cost what they cost now. And there’s no — which is a lot of money, and would be prohibitively expensive if everybody who’s eligible for them were to take them. Obviously, we can’t afford that, but at some point, there is some competition and if they keep developing drugs, the cost will come down, and then it will be a whole lot easier for people to afford things. And then the cost-benefit analysis changes. So …

Ollstein: It might.

Rovner: Yeah.

Ollstein: We don’t really know.

Rovner: I get frustrated at people who assume that the price is what it is and that’s what it’s going to be going forward, because I suspect that is not the case. But I think you’re right. It will be high as long as they can keep it a secret.

All right, my extra-credit story is from The Washington Post this week by Greg Jaffe and Patrick Marley, and it’s called “The Pandemic Has Faded in This Michigan County. The Mistrust Never Ended.” It’s a long and beautifully written chronicle of just how enough people in Ottawa County in Michigan were convinced that public health is the enemy to result in, basically, a taking apart of the county’s health department. It is well worth reading the whole thing. It’s really heartbreaking.

All right, before we go this week, I have a sneak peek at some of the finalists for our KFF Health News Halloween Haiku Contest. The winners will be unveiled on Halloween, Oct. 31, but here’s one finalist from Michael Lisowski:

A trick or treatment,prior authorization,a fright to patients.

And here’s another, from Meg Murray:

Open enrollment,watch out for ghosts, goblins, andjunk insurance … [boo!]

OK. That is our show. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review; that helps other people find us, too. Special thanks, as always, to our tireless engineer, Francis Ying. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org, or you can still find me at X, @jrovner or @julierovner at Bluesky and Threads. Alice, where are you these days?

Ollstein: I am @AliceOllstein on X and @alicemiranda on Bluesky.

Rovner: Rachel?

Cohrs: I’m @rachelcohrs on X.

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Stephanie Stapleton
Editor

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

A 48 horas de su nacimiento en un hospital del área de Seattle en 2021, Layla Babayev fue sometida a una cirugía por una obstrucción intestinal. Dos semanas después, tuvo otra cirugía de emergencia. Luego desarrolló meningitis.

Layla pasó más de un mes en terapia intensiva neonatal en tres hospitales mientras los médicos buscaban la causa de su enfermedad.

Sus padres la inscribieron en un ensayo clínico para buscar una condición genética. A diferencia de las pruebas genéticas centradas en algunas variantes causantes de enfermedades, que pueden tardar meses en producir resultados, el estudio en el Hospital de Niños de Seattle secuenciaría todo el genoma de Layla, buscando una amplia gama de anomalías, con la posibilidad de ofrecer respuestas en menos de una semana.

La prueba reveló que Layla tenía un trastorno genético raro que causaba defectos gastrointestinales y comprometía su sistema inmunológico. Su padre, Dmitry Babayev contó que, por este hallazgo, sus médicos la aislaron, comenzaron administrarle infusiones semanales de antibióticos, y se pusieron en contacto con otros hospitales que habían tratado la misma condición.

Hoy en día, Babayev atribuye a la prueba, conocida como secuenciación rápida de todo el genoma, la vida de su hija. “Es por eso que creemos que Layla todavía está con nosotros hoy”, dijo.

Sin embargo, la experiencia de Layla con su trastorno es rara. Pocos bebés hospitalizados con una enfermedad sin diagnosticar se someten a la secuenciación rápida de todo el genoma, una herramienta de diagnóstico que permite a los científicos identificar rápidamente trastornos genéticos y guiar las decisiones de tratamiento de los médicos al analizar todo el ADN del paciente.

Esto se debe en gran parte a que muchos seguros de salud, públicos y privados, no cubren el costo que oscila entre $4,000 y $8,000.

Pero una alianza de empresas de pruebas genéticas, farmacéuticas, hospitales infantiles y médicos ha presionado a los estados para aumentar la cobertura bajo Medicaid, y estos esfuerzos han comenzado a dar resultados.

Desde 2021, programas de Medicaid en ocho estados han agregado la secuenciación rápida de todo el genoma a su cobertura o la cubrirán pronto, según GeneDX, un proveedor de la prueba. Esto incluye a Florida, donde la legislatura controlada por los republicanos ha resistido la expansión de Medicaid bajo la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA).

Georgia, Massachusetts, Nueva York y Carolina del Norte también están considerando cubrirla, según el Rady Children’s Institute for Genomic Medicine, otro importante proveedor de la prueba.

Que Medicaid cubra la prueba puede expandir significativamente el acceso para los bebés; el programa de salud federal gerenciado por los estados que asegura a las familias de bajos ingresos y que cubre a más del 40% de los niños en su primer año de vida.

“Esta es una prueba extraordinaria y poderosa que puede cambiar el curso de las enfermedades de estos niños y nuestra propia comprensión”, dijo Jill Maron, jefa de pediatría en el Women & Infants Hospital en Providence, Rhode Island, quien ha investigado sobre este test.

“Lo único que está interfiriendo con un uso más generalizado es el pago del seguro”, agregó.

Los defensores de la secuenciación de todo el genoma, que ha estado comercialmente disponible por alrededor de seis años, dicen que puede ayudar a los bebés enfermos con enfermedades potencialmente raras a evitar una odisea de pruebas y hospitalizaciones de meses o años sin un diagnóstico claro, y aumentar la supervivencia.

También señalan estudios que muestran que las pruebas rápidas de todo el genoma pueden reducir los costos generales de salud al disminuir las hospitalizaciones, pruebas y atención innecesarias.

Pero la prueba puede tener sus limitaciones. Aunque es mejor para identificar trastornos raros que las pruebas genéticas antiguas, la secuenciación de todo el genoma detecta una mutación solo alrededor de la mitad de las veces, ya sea porque la prueba no detecta algo o porque el paciente no tiene un trastorno genético en absoluto.

Además, plantea preguntas éticas porque también puede revelar que los bebés, y sus padres, tienen genes que los colocan en mayor riesgo de condiciones que se desarrollan en la adultez, como el cáncer de mama y ovario.

Aun así, algunos médicos dicen que la secuenciación ofrece la mejor oportunidad para hacer un diagnóstico cuando las pruebas de rutina no ofrecen respuestas. Pankaj Agrawal, jefe de neonatología en la Escuela de Medicina Miller de la Universidad de Miami, dijo que solo alrededor del 10% de los bebés que podrían beneficiarse de la secuenciación de todo el genoma la están recibiendo.

“Es súper frustrante tener bebés enfermos y no tener una explicación de qué está causando sus síntomas”, dijo.

Ahora, algunos seguros privados cubren la prueba con ciertas limitaciones, incluidos UnitedHealthcare y Cigna, pero otros no. Incluso en los estados que han adoptado la prueba, la cobertura varía. Florida agregará el beneficio a Medicaid más adelante este año para pacientes de hasta 20 años que estén en terapias intensivas.

Adam Anderson, representante estatal de Florida, un republicano cuyo hijo de 4 años murió en 2019 después de ser diagnosticado con la enfermedad de Tay-Sachs, un trastorno genético raro, lideró la campaña para que Medicaid cubriera la secuenciación. El nuevo beneficio de Medicaid estatal lleva el nombre de su hijo, Andrew.

Anderson dijo que persuadir a sus colegas republicanos fue un desafío, dado que generalmente se oponen a cualquier aumento en el gasto de Medicaid.

“Tan pronto como escucharon el término ‘mandato de Medicaid’, se cerraron”, dijo. “Como estado, somos fiscalmente conservadores, y nuestro programa de Medicaid ya es enorme, y queremos ver Medicaid más pequeño”.

Anderson dijo que a los médicos les llevó más de un año diagnosticar a su hijo, un momento emocionalmente difícil para la familia mientras Andrew soportaba numerosas pruebas y viajes para ver a distintos especialistas en varios estados.

“Sé lo que es no obtener esas respuestas mientras los médicos intentan descubrir qué está mal, y sin pruebas genéticas, es casi imposible”, dijo.

Un análisis de la Cámara de Representantes de Florida estimó que si el 5% de los bebés en las terapias intensivas neonatales del estado se sometieran a la prueba cada año, costaría al programa de Medicaid alrededor de $3.3 millones anuales.

Los líderes legislativos de Florida se persuadieron en parte por un estudio de 2020 llamado Proyecto Baby Manatee, en el cual el Hospital de Niños Nicklaus en Miami secuenció los genomas de 50 pacientes. Como resultado, 20 pacientes, aproximadamente el 40%, recibieron un diagnóstico, lo que llevó a cambios en el cuidado de 19 de ellos.

El ahorro estimado superó los $3.7 millones, con un retorno de inversión de casi $2.9 millones, después del costo de las pruebas, según el informe final.

“Hemos demostrado que podemos justificar esto como una buena inversión”, dijo Parul Jayakar, directora de la División de Genética Clínica y Metabolismo del hospital, quien trabajó en el estudio.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF Health News

@jrovner

Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

Autumn is for pumpkins and raking leaves — and open enrollment for health plans. Medicare’s annual open enrollment began Oct. 1 and runs through Dec. 7. It will be followed shortly by the Affordable Care Act’s annual open enrollment, which starts Nov. 1 and runs until Jan. 15 in most states. But what used to be a fairly simple annual task — renewing an existing health plan or choosing a new one — has become a confusing, time-consuming mess for many, due to our convoluted health care system.

Meanwhile, Ohio will be the next state where voters will decide whether to protect abortion rights. Those on both sides of the debate are gearing up for the November vote, with anti-abortion forces hoping to break a losing streak of state ballot measures related to abortion since the 2022 overturn of Roe v. Wade.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, and Lauren Weber of The Washington Post.

Panelists

Joanne Kenen
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico

@JoanneKenen

Read Joanne's stories

Alice Miranda Ollstein
Politico

@AliceOllstein

Read Alice's stories

Lauren Weber
The Washington Post

@LaurenWeberHP

Read Lauren's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• The U.S. House of Representatives has been without an elected speaker since Oct. 4. That means lawmakers cannot conduct any legislative business, with several important health bills pending — including renewal of the popular international HIV/AIDS program, PEPFAR.
• Open enrollment is not just for people looking to change health insurance plans. Plans themselves change, and those who do nothing risk continuing in a plan that no longer meets their needs.
• A new round of lawsuits has sprung up related to “abortion reversals,” a controversial practice in which a patient, having taken the first dose of a two-dose abortion medication regimen, takes a high dose of the hormone progesterone rather than the second medication that completes the abortion. In Colorado, a Catholic-affiliated health clinic says a state law banning the practice violates its religious rights, while in California, the state attorney general is suing two faith-based chains that operate pregnancy “crisis centers,” alleging that by advertising the procedure they are making “fraudulent and misleading” claims.
• The latest survey of employer health insurance by KFF shows annual family premiums are again escalating rapidly — up an average of 7% from 2022 to 2023, with even larger increases expected for 2024. It’s not clear whether the already high cost of providing insurance to workers — an annual family policy now averages just under $24,000 — will dampen companies’ enthusiasm for providing the benefit.

Also this week, Rovner interviews KFF Health News’ Arielle Zionts, who reported and wrote the latest KFF Health News-NPR “Bill of the Month” feature about the wide cost variation of chemotherapy from state to state. If you have an outrageous or inscrutable medical you’d like to send us, you can do that here.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: NPR’s “How Gas Utilities Used Tobacco Tactics to Avoid Gas Stove Regulations,” by Jeff Brady.

Lauren Weber: KFF Health News’ “Doctors Abandon a Diagnosis Used to Justify Police Custody Deaths. It Might Live On, Anyway,” by Markian Hawryluk and Renuka Rayasam.

Joanne Kenen: The Washington Post’s “How Lunchables Ended Up on School Lunch Trays,” by Lenny Bernstein, Lauren Weber, and Dan Keating.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: KFF Health News’ “Pregnant and Addicted: Homeless Women See Hope in Street Medicine,” by Angela Hart.

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

• The Washington Post’s “The Post Spent the Past Year Examining U.S. Life Expectancy. Here’s What We Found,” by The Washington Post staff.
• The Washington Post’s “Primary Care Saves Lives. Here’s Why It’s Failing Americans,” by Frances Stead Sellers.
• Vox’s “Vox Launches New Guide to Open Enrollment,” by Vox Communications.
• Politico Magazine’s “How Dobbs Triggered a ‘Vasectomy Revolution,’” by Jesús A. Rodríguez.

Click to open the transcript

Transcript: The Open Enrollment Mixing Bowl

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’Episode Title: The Open Enrollment Mixing BowlEpisode Number: 319Published: Oct. 19, 2023

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.]

Julie Rovner: Hello, and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News, and I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Oct. 19, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So here we go. Today, we are joined via video conference by Alice Ollstein of Politico.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Good morning,

Rovner: Lauren Weber of The Washington Post.

Lauren Weber: Hello, hello.

Rovner: And Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico.

Joanne Kenen: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview with Arielle Zionts, who reported and wrote the latest KFF Health News-NPR “Bill of the Month” about how chemotherapy can cost five times more in one state than in another. But first this week’s news. So, it’s Oct. 19, the House of Representatives is still without a speaker. That’s 2½ weeks now. That means legislation can’t move. Are there health care items that are starting to stack up? And what would it mean if the House ends up with an anti-federal government conservative like Rep. Jim Jordan, who, at least as of this moment, is not yet the speaker and does not yet look like he has the votes?

Ollstein: So in terms of unfinished health care business, the three big things we are tracking are things that actually lapsed at the end of September. Congress did manage to keep the government open, but they allowed three big health care things to fall by the wayside, and those are PEPFAR, the global HIV/AIDS program, the SUPPORT Act, the programs for opioids and addiction, and PAHPA, the public health, pandemics, biohazards big bill. And so those …

Rovner: I think one of those P’s stands for “preparedness,” right?

Ollstein: Exactly, yes. But it’s related to pandemics, and you would think after all we just went through that that would be more of a priority, but here we are. The reauthorization of all three of those is just dangling out there and it’s unclear if and when Congress can act on them. There is some level of bipartisan support for all of them, but that is what is stacking up, and nothing is really happening on those fronts, according to my conversations with sources on the Hill because everything has just ground to a halt because of the speaker mess.

Rovner: And, of course, we’re less than a month away from the current continuing resolution running out again, and we may go through — who knows? They may get a new speaker and then he may lose his job or her job once they try to keep the government open in November. It’s a mess. I’ve never seen anything like this …

Kenen: Also, in addition to those three very political … even public health and pandemics are now politics … that Alice correctly pointed out, these three huge ideological, how are we going to get them reauthorized in the next 30 days? But there’s also more routine things that are not controversial but are caught up in this such as community health center funding, which has bipartisan support, but they need their apropos and all that stuff. So in addition to these sort of red-blue fights, there’s just, how do we keep the doors open for people who need access to health care? That’s not the only program. There are many day-to-day programs that like everything else in the government are up in the air.

Rovner: I mean, we should point out this is unprecedented. The only other time the House has been without a speaker this long was one year when they didn’t come in at the beginning of the Congress until later in January. It’s literally the only time. There’s never been a mid-session speakerless House. So everything that happens from here is unprecedented. Well, meanwhile, if you have turned on a TV in the past week, you already know this, but Medicare open enrollment began last Sunday, Oct. 15. To be clear, when you first become eligible for Medicare, you can sign up anytime in the three months before or after your birthday. But if you enroll in a private Medicare Advantage plan or a private prescription drug plan, and most people are in one or the other or both, open enrollment is when you can add or change coverage. This used to be pretty straightforward, but it’s only gotten more confusing as private plans have proliferated. This year the Biden administration is trying to fight back against some of the misleading marketing efforts. Politico reports that the government has rejected some 300 different ads. Is that enough to quell the confusion? I’m already seeing ads and kind of look at it, like, “I don’t think that says what it means to say.”

Weber: Yeah, we see this every year. It’s a ton of ads. It’s a barrage of ads that all say, “Hey, this plan is going to get you X, Y, Z, and that’s better than traditional Medicare.” But you got to read the fine print, and I think that is the big thing for all the folks that are looking at this every time. Open enrollment is very confusing, and a lot of times people are trying to sell you things that are not what they appear. So it does appear that there has been more movement to crack down on those ads. But look, the family members I talked to are still confused, so I don’t know how much that’s proliferating down quite yet.

Kenen: And even if the ads were honest, our health system is so confusing. Even if you’re at an employer health system. All of us are employed, all of us get insurance at work, and none of us really know we have made the best choice. I mean, you need a crystal ball to know what illness you and your relatives are going to get that year, and what the copays and deductibles for that specific condition. I’ve never been sure. I have three choices. They’re all decent, whether it’s the best for me and my family, with all that I know about health care, I still don’t know I made the best choice ’cause I don’t have a crystal ball or not one that works.

Rovner: Right. I also have choices, and I did my mom’s Medicare for years, as Joanne remembers …

Kenen: You did a great piece on that one.

Rovner: … this is the way I remember it. I did do a piece on that. Long time ago, when they were first starting the prescription drug benefit and you had to sort of sign up via a computer, and in 2006, not that many seniors knew how to use computers. At least we’re sort of over that, but there’s still complaints about the official website Medicare.gov, which does a pretty good job. It’s just got an awful lot of steps. It’s one of those things, it’s like, “OK, set aside two hours,” and that’s if you know what you’re doing to do this. So meanwhile, if this isn’t all confusing enough, open enrollment for the Affordable Care Act opens in two weeks, and while Medicare open enrollment ends Dec. 7, ACA enrollment goes through Jan. 15 in most, but not every, state. In both cases, if you get your insurance through Medicare or through the ACA, you should look to see what changes your plan might be making. I should say also, if it’s open enrollment for your employer insurance, plans make changes pretty much every year. So you may end up, even if you’re in the same plan, with a plan that you don’t like or a plan that you don’t like as much as you like it now. This is insanely complicated, as you point out, for everybody with insurance. Is there any way to make it easier?

Kenen: There’s no politically palatable way to make it easier. And then things they’ve done to try to make it easier, like consistent claims forms, which most of us don’t have to fill out anymore. Most of that’s done online, but they’re not using consistent claim forms and there’s nothing simple and there’s nothing that’s getting simpler. And we’re all savvy …

Rovner: It’s what keeps our “Bill of the Month” project in business.

Kenen: Right. We’re all pretty savvy and none of us are smart enough to solve every health care problem of us and our family.

Rovner: It’s one of those things where compromise actually makes for complexity. When policymakers can’t do something they really want to do, they do something smaller and more incremental. And so what you end up with is this built on, in every which way, kind of health care system that nobody knows how it works.

Kenen: Like the year I hurt both a finger and a toe. And I had a deductible for the finger, but not for the toe. Explain that!

Rovner: I assume it was in and out of network or not even.

Kenen: No. They were both in network. All of my digits are in network.

Weber: I just got a covid test bill from 2020 that I had previously knocked down by calling, but they rebilled me again. And because I am a savvy health care reporter, I was like, “I’m not paying this. I know that I don’t have to pay this.” But it took probably 10 hours to resolve, I mean, and that’s not even picking insurance. So I’m just saying it’s an incredibly complex marketplace. Shout-out to Vox who had a really nice series that tried to make it easier for people to understand the differences between Medicare and Medicare Advantage, open enrollment, what that all means. If you haven’t seen that and you’re confused about your insurance options, I would highly recommend it.

Rovner: And I will link to the Vox series, which is really good, but it was kind of looking at it. I mean, they had to write six different stories. It’s like that’s how confusing things are, which is really kind of sad here, but we will move on because we’re not going to solve this one today. So speaking of things that are complicated and getting more so, let’s turn to reproductive health. Alice, the big event that people on both sides are waiting for — one of those events, at least — is a ballot measure in Ohio that would establish a state constitutional right to abortion. So far, every state ballot measure we’ve seen has gone in favor of the abortions rights side. How are abortion opponents trying to flip the script here?

Ollstein: So I was in Ohio a couple of weeks ago and was really focused on that very question, just what are they doing differently? How are they learning lessons from all of the losses last year? And why do they think Ohio will be any different? I will say, since my piece came out, there was the first poll I’ve seen of how people are approaching the November referendum, and it showed overwhelming support for the abortion rights side, just like in every other state. So have that color, what I’m about to say next, which is that the anti-abortion side thinks they can win because they have a lot of structural factors working in their favor. They have the governor of Ohio really actively campaigning against the amendment. So that’s in contrast to [Gov. Gretchen] Whitmer in Michigan last year, campaigning actively for it. When you have a fairly popular governor, that does have an impact, they’re a known trusted voice to many. Also …

Rovner: And the governor of Ohio is also a former senator and I mean a really well-known guy.

Ollstein: Yeah. Yeah, exactly. You just have the entire state structure working to defeat this amendment. They tried in a special election in August to change the rules. That didn’t work. Now, you just have all of these top officials using their bully pulpit and their platforms to try to steer the vote in the anti-abortion direction. Also, the actual campaign itself is trying to learn lessons from last year and doing a few things differently. They’re going really aggressively after the African American vote, particularly through Black churches. And so that’s not something I saw in the states I reported on last year, and they’re really aggressively going after the student vote. And I went to a student campus event at Ohio State that the anti-abortion side was holding, and it seemed pretty effective. There was a ton of confusion among the students. A lot of the students are like, “Wait, didn’t we just vote on this?” referring to the August special. They said, “Wait a minute, which side means yes, and which side means no?” There was just rampant confusion, and it wasn’t helped … I observed the anti-abortion side, telling people some misleading things about what the amendment would and wouldn’t do. And so all of that could definitely have an impact. But like I said, since my story came out, a poll came out showing really strong support for the abortion rights amendment, which would block the state’s six-week ban, which is now held up in court, but the court leans pretty far to the right. This would block that from going back into effect potentially.

Rovner: Ohio, the ultimate swing state, probably the reddest swing state in the country. But Ohio is not the only state having an off-year election next month. Virginia doesn’t have an abortion measure on the ballot, but its entire state House and Senate are up for reelection. And from almost every ad I’ve seen from Democrats, it mentions abortion, and there’s a lot of ads here in the Washington, D.C., area for some of the Virginia elections. Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, who’s not on the ballot this year, thinks he has a way of talking about abortion that might give his side the edge. What are we going to be able to tell from the ultimate makeup of the very narrowly divided Virginia Legislature when this is all said and done?

Kenen: It won’t be veto-proof. Unlike North Carolina now, even if it’s the Democrats hold the one chamber they have or win both of them, and it’s really close. These are very closely divided, so we really don’t know how it’s going to turn out. But I mean he …

Rovner: One year it was so close that they literally had to draw rocks out of a bowl.

Kenen: Yeah, right. There’s highly unlikely that there will be a scenario where there’s a really strongly Democratic legislature with a Republican governor. That’s not likely. What’s likely is a very narrowly divided, and we don’t know who has the edge in which chamber. So the governor can’t just do things unilaterally, but how it plays out. And Youngkin’s backing a 15-week ban with some exceptions after that for life and health. A year ago, that would’ve seemed like an extreme measure. And now it seems moderate, I mean compared to zero weeks and no exceptions. So Virginia’s a red state, it’s swung blue. It’s now reddish again, I mean, it’s not a swing state so much in presidential, but on the ground, it’s a swing state. And …

Rovner: But I guess that’s what I was getting at was Youngkin’s trying to sort of paint his support as something moderate …

Kenen: That’s how he’s been trying to thread this needle ’cause he comes across as moderate and then he comes across as more conservative. And on abortion, what’s moderate now? I mean, in the current landscape among Republican governors, you could say his is moderate, but Alice follows the politics more closely, but half the country doesn’t think that’s moderate.

Rovner: If the Democrats retain or win both houses of the legislature, I mean, will that send us a message about abortion or is that just going to send us a message about Virginia being a very narrowly divided state?

Ollstein: I think both. I think Joanne is right in that the polling and the voting record over the last year reflect that a lot of people are not buying the idea that 15 weeks is moderate. And a lot of polls show that when presented the choice between a total ban and total protections, even people who are uncomfortable with the idea of abortions later in pregnancy opt for total protections. And so you’ve seen that play out. At the same time, there’s a lot of people on the right who correctly argue that the vast majority of abortions happen before 15 weeks, and so 15 weeks is not going far enough. And they’re not in favor of that as so-called compromise or moderate policy. And so …

Rovner: There are no compromises in abortion.

Ollstein: Truly, truly.

Rovner: If we’ve learned anything, we’ve learned that.

Ollstein: And when you try to please everyone, sometimes you please no one, as we’ve seen with both candidates and policies that try to thread this needle. And so I think it will be a really interesting test because yes, right now the legislature is sort of the firewall between what the governor wants to do on abortion, and whether that will continue to be true is a really interesting question.

Rovner: Meanwhile, we have dueling abortion reversal lawsuits going on in both Colorado and California. Abortion reversal, for those who don’t follow all the jargon, is the concept of interrupting the two-medication regime for abortion by pill. And instead of taking the second medication, the pregnant person takes large doses of the hormone progesterone. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists says there is no evidence that this works to reverse a medication abortion and that it’s unethical for doctors to prescribe it. But in Colorado, a Christian health clinic is charging that a state law that bans the practice offering abortion reversal violates their freedom of religion. In California, it’s actually the opposite. The state attorney general is suing a pregnancy crisis center for false advertising, promoting the practice. Alice, how big a deal could this fight over abortion reversal become? And that’s assuming that the pill remains widely available, which is going to be decided by yet another lawsuit.

Ollstein: Yeah, absolutely. Although it’ll be a long time before we know whether mifepristone is legally available on a federal basis. But I’ve been watching this bubble up for years, but it’s up till now been more of a rhetorical fight in terms of: “Abortion reversal is a thing.” “No, it’s not.” “Yes, it is.” “No, it’s not.” “Here’s my expert saying it is.” “Here’s my expert saying it’s not.” But this is really moving it into a more sort of concrete, legal realm, and not just rhetoric. And so it is an escalation, and it will be interesting to see. Mainstream health care organizations do not support this practice. There was a clinical trial of it going on that was actually called off because of the potential dangers involved and risks to participants …

Rovner: Of doing the abortion reversal method …

Ollstein: Exactly. Yes.

Rovner: … of trying to interrupt a medication abortion.

Ollstein: Yes. This is really on the cutting edge of where medicine and politics are clashing right now.

Rovner: Yeah, we’ll see how it, and, of course, if they end up in different places, this could be something else that ends up in front of the Supreme Court. And this is, I think, less of an argument about religious freedom than an argument about the ability of medical organizations to determine what is or isn’t standard of practice based on evidence. I mean, I guess in some ways it becomes the same thing as the broader mifepristone case, where it’s like, do you trust the FDA to determine what’s safe? And now, it’s like, do you trust ACOG and the AMA [American Medical Association] and other organizations of doctors to decide what should be allowed?

Kenen: I mean, progesterone has medical purposes, it’s used to prevent miscarriages, but it’s off-label. It goes into these other questions, which all of us have written about — ivermectin, and who gets legal substances, and how do you use them properly, and what’s the danger? And there’s a bunch of them.

Weber: I think the fight over standard of care has really become the next frontier in medical lawsuits. I mean, we’ve all written about this, but ivermectin, obviously, misinformation, prescribing hydroxychloroquine, all of these things are now getting into the legal field. Is that the standard of care? What is the standard of care and how does that play out? So I agree with you. I think this is going to end up by the Supreme Court and I think it has much broader implications than just for mifepristone and abortion drugs too.

Rovner: Yeah, I do too. Well, finally, in an update I did not have on my post-Roe Bingo card, it appears that vasectomies are up in some states, including Oregon, where abortion is still legal, and Oklahoma, where it’s not very widely available. Are men finally taking more responsibility for not getting the women they have sex with pregnant? That would be a big sea change.

Ollstein: Yeah, we’ve been hearing anecdotally that this has been the case definitely since Dobbs and even before that as abortion restrictions were mounting. Politico Magazine did a nice piece on this last year profiling vasectomy [in] a mobile van. And it’s also just fascinating and a lot of people have been highlighting just how few restrictions on vasectomies there are compared to more permanent sterilization for women: no waiting periods, no fighting about it. And so it does provide an interesting contrast there.

Rovner: I know there have been stories over the years about how the demand for vasectomies goes up right before the NCAA tournament in March and April because men figure that they can just recuperate while watching basketball.

Ollstein: I thought that was a myth then I looked it up and it’s absolutely true.

Rovner: It is absolutely true.

Kenen: I mean, it also seems to be more common among older men who’ve had a family and because it’s permanent, I mean usually permanent. It’s usually permanent and right, it’s one thing to decide after a certain point in your life when you’ve already had your kids. I mean, it’s not going to be an option for younger men who haven’t had children.

Rovner: It’s also reliable, it is one of those things that you don’t have to worry about.

Kenen: Even though I looked up the figures once, it’s a very, very low failure rate, but it’s not zero.

Rovner: True. We are moving on to what I call this week in declining life expectancy. I’m glad that Lauren is back with us because The Washington Post has published the next pieces of its deep dive into the U.S. population’s declining life expectancy. And we’re going to start with a story that was co-written by Lauren, but that is Joanne’s extra credit this week. So Joanne, you start, and then Lauren, you can chime in.

Kenen: OK. It’s “How Lunchables Ended Up on School Lunch Trays.” For those of you who have never been in a supermarket or who have closed your eyes in certain aisles, Lunchables are heavily processed, encased in plastic, small lunchboxes of a — it’s not even much of a meal or small — which you can buy in the supermarket. And now two of them have been modified so that they’re allowed in schools as healthy enough …

Rovner: They’re quote, unquote, “balanced” because it’s a little piece of meat and a little piece of cheese.

Kenen: They have so far just a turkey cheese option that qualifies for schools and a pizza that qualifies for schools. Not a whole pizza, a little … but the kid in the story, the second grader in the story, didn’t even know it was turkey. It has 14 ingredients. He thought it was ham. So I mean, that just sort of says it, but it’s beyond the lack of nutrition, it started out sort of like what is this child putting in his mouth and why is it called school lunch? But the story was deeper because it was a very long investigation by Lauren and Dan Keating on the relationship between the food industry, the trade group, and the government regulation. And just say, it leaves a lot to be desired. And you should all read the story only because you can click on the story of the oversized Cheez-It.

I mean, it’s a fake one, but the replica of this as big as the planet Mars. I mean, it’s just this huge Cheez-It. And it’s a really good story because it’s overprocessed food is really bad for us. And I mean, scientists have matched the rise of this overprocessed stuff that began as food and the rise of obesity in America. And it’s not just taking the salt out of it, which they’re doing, the sodium out of or adding a little calcium or something to these processed foods. They’re ultra-processed foods, and that’s not what our body needs.

Rovner: So, Lauren, I mean, how does this relate to the rest of this declining life expectancy project and what else is there to come?

Weber: This is our big tranche of stories. I mean, we should have some follows, but that’s it. And well, Joanne, thank you for the kind words on it. We really appreciate that. But I mean, I think the point that she made that I want to highlight for this in general is what was wild in investigating this story is pizza sauce is a vegetable in the U.S. when it comes to school lunch and french fries are also a vegetable. And that’s really all you need to sum up how the industry influence in Congress has resulted in what kids are having for their school lunch today. One of the things we got to do for the story is go to the national School Nutrition Association conference, which is where we saw the giant Cheez-It. And it’s this massive trade fair of all these companies where they throw parties for the school nutrition personnel to try all the different food. And it’s wild to see in real life. And what Joanne made a good point of about ultra-processed food and what the rules do right now is they don’t consider the integrity of the food. They set limits on calories and sodium, but they don’t consider what kids are actually eating. And so you end up with these ultra-processed foods that growing body of research suggests really have some negative health consequences for you. And so, as Joanne talked about, and as our series gets into, obesity is a real problem in this country, and obesity has huge, long-lasting, life-shortening impacts. One of the folks we talked to for the piece, Michael Moss, said, he worries that processed food is the new tobacco because he feels like smoking’s going down, but obesity’s going up. And something he said to me that didn’t make the piece, but I thought was really interesting is that at some point he thinks there’ll be some sort of class-action lawsuit against ultra-processed food, much like a cigarette lawsuit-

Rovner: Like with tobacco.

Weber: Like a tobacco lawsuit, like an opioid lawsuit. I think that’s kind of interesting to think about, but this was just one of the many life expectancy stories. I want to shout out my colleague Frances Stead Sellers’ story, which talked about how it compared is brilliant. It compared two sisters with rheumatoid arthritis, one who lives in the U.S. and one who lives in Portugal. They’re both from Portugal. The one in Portugal has all this fabulous primary health care. The doctors even call her on Christmas and they’re like, “We’re worried you’re going to have chocolate cherries with brandy that would interact with your medicine.” Whereas the one in the U.S. has to go to the ER all the time because she doesn’t have steady health care and she can’t seem to make it work, ends meet. She doesn’t have a primary health care system. She’s a disjointed doctor system. And the end of the story is the sister in the U.S. who has this severe health problem is moving to Portugal because it’s just so much better there for primary care. And I think that gets at a lot of what our stories on life expectancy have talked about, which is that primary care, preventative care in the U.S. is not a priority and it results in a lot of downstream consequences that are shortening America’s life expectancy.

Rovner: Well, I hope when this project is all published that you put all the stories together and send them to every school of public health in the United States. That would be fairly useful. I bet public health professors would appreciate it.

Weber: Thank you.

Rovner: So it is mid-October, that means it is time for the annual KFF survey of employer health insurance. And for the first time since the pandemic, most premiums are up markedly, an average of 7% from 2022 to 2023 with indications of even larger increases coming for 2024. Now, to people like me and Joanne, who’ve been doing this for a long time, lived through years of double-digit increases in the early 2000s, 7% doesn’t seem that big, but today, the average family health insurance premium is about the same as the cost of a small car. So is there a breaking point for the employer health system? I mean, one of the things — to go back to what we were talking about at the beginning — one of the compromised ways we’ve kept the system functional is by allowing these pieces to remain in pieces. Employers have wanted to offer health insurance. It’s an important fringe benefit to help attract workers. But you’re paying $25,000 a year for a family plan, unless you’re a really big company. And even if you are a really big company, that’s an awful lot of money.

Kenen: One of the things that struck me is, we’re at a point when we’ve had a lot of strikes and reactivated labor movement, but 20 years ago, the fights were about the cost of health care. The famous Verizon strike. They were big strikes that were about health care, the cost. And right now, I’m not really hearing that too much. I’m sure it’s part of the conversation, but it’s not the top. It’s not the headline of what these strikes are about. They’re about salaries mostly and working conditions with nurses and ratios and things like that. I’m not hearing health care costs, but I sort of think we will because, yes, we are being subsidized by our employers, most of us. But you said, “What’s the breaking point?” Well, apparently there isn’t one. We’ve asked ourselves that every single year. And when do we stop doing it? No one has a good answer for that. And related is to what Lauren was just talking about, life expectancy. The lack of primary care in this country, in addition to improving our health, it would probably bring down cost. We used to spend 6 cents on the dollar on primary care, 6 cents. Other countries spend a lot more. Now, we’re down to 4.5 cents. So the stuff that keeps you well and spots problems and has somebody who recognizes when something’s going wrong in you because you’re their patient as opposed to … there’s nothing. I don’t mean that urgent care doesn’t have a place. It does, but it’s not the same thing as somebody who gives you continuity of care. So these are all related. I’ll stop. It’s a mess. Someone else can say it’s a mess now.

Rovner: It’s definitely a mess and we are not going to fix it today, but we’ll keep trying.

Kenen: Maybe next week.

Rovner: All right. Yeah, maybe next week. That is this week’s news. Now, we will play my “Bill of the Month” interview with Arielle Zionts. And then we will come back and do our extra credits.

I am pleased to welcome to the podcast my KFF Health News colleague Arielle Zionts who reported and wrote the latest KFF Health News-NPR “Bill of the Month” installment. Arielle, welcome to the podcast.

Arielle Zionts: Thanks for having me.

Rovner: So this month’s patient is grappling with a grave cancer diagnosis, a toddler, and some inexplicable bills from hospitals in two different states. Tell us a little bit about her.

Zionts: Sure. So Emily Gebel is from Alaska and has a husband and two young kids. She home-schools them. She really likes the outdoors, reading, foraging, and she was diagnosed with breast cancer. Just something that makes me so sad is she found out when she was basically breastfeeding because she felt a lump. And then when she was diagnosed, her baby was asleep in her arms when she got that call. So it just really shows what it’s like to be a mom and to have cancer. She was living in Juneau at the time. Her friends who’ve had cancer suggested [they] wanted to go to a bigger city. Whether it’s true or not, the idea was, OK, bigger cities are going to have bigger care. Juneau is not a big city, and you cannot drive there. You have to take a ferry or you have to fly in, and this is the capital of Alaska. So that might …

Rovner: Yes, I’ve been there. It’s very picturesque and very small and very hard to get to.

Zionts: Yeah, so that might be surprising for some people. The closest major American city is Seattle. So she went there for her surgery and then she decided to have chemo, and she opted for this special type of chemo that uses lower dose, but more frequent doses. The idea is that it creates less of the side effects, and she went to this standalone clinic in Seattle, flying there every week. It’s not a quick flight. It can take up to two hours and 45 minutes. And that just got really tiring. I mean, physically …

Rovner: And she’s got kids at home.

Zionts: Yes, physically and mentally and just taking up time. So she decided to switch to the local hospital in Juneau. So they had bills from the first clinic in Seattle, and then they got some estimates from the one in Juneau and then finally got a bill from there as well.

Rovner: Yes, as we say, “Then the bill came.” And, boy, there was a big difference between the same chemotherapy in Seattle and in Juneau, Alaska, right?

Zionts: I compared two of Emily’s treatments that used a similar mix of drugs and also had overlapping non-drug charges, such as how much it costs for the first hour of treatment, subsequent hours. And in the Seattle clinic, one round cost about $1,600. And then in Juneau it cost more than $5,000, so more than three times higher. And we were able to look at specific charges. So that first hour of chemo was $1,000 in Juneau, which is more than twice the rate in the Seattle clinic. There was a drug that cost more than three times the price at the clinic. And then even the cheaper charges were more expensive. So the hospital charged $19.15 for Benadryl, which is about 22 times the price at the clinic, which was 87 cents.

Rovner: Now to be clear, the Gebel family seems to have pretty comprehensive insurance. So this case wasn’t as much about their out-of-pocket costs as some of the other Bills of the Month that we’ve covered, but they did want to know why there was such a big difference, and what did they, and we find out?

Zionts: Yeah. So we started the story for NPR, we basically started saying, “Hey, this is a little different than the other ones because the family has met their maximum out-of-pocket.”

Rovner: For the year?

Zionts: Yes. Once you pay a certain amount of money for the year, your insurance will cover everything, and that can be a high number. But if you have cancer, cancer’s expensive, so you will probably hit it at some point. By the time she switched her treatment to Juneau, she had met that, so she wouldn’t actually owe anything.

Rovner: But what did they find out nevertheless, about why it costs that much more in Juneau than it did in Seattle?

Zionts: Yes. So Jered, her husband, he is somewhat of a self-taught medical billing expert. He gained this knowledge by listening to “Bill of the Month” and then reading some books about this. I mean, at first, he thought maybe they would owe money, but then he learned they wouldn’t. But he still didn’t think it was fair. I mean, he didn’t think it was fair for the insurance companies. And he did catch two errors. One of them, an estimate, was wrong. The hospital said, “Oh, it looks like there was a computer error,” and that was lowered. And then when it came for the actual bill, there was a coding error. It made one of the drugs not covered when it should have been. So that would’ve actually left them out-of-pocket costs. So he was able to lower an estimate, lower the bill. But again, even with those changes, it was still so much more expensive. And that’s when I called some experts and someone’s gut reaction or initial hypothesis might be, “Well, of course, it’s more expensive in Alaska. Alaska is small, it’s remote. I mean, it’s just going to cost more to ship things there. You need to pay doctors more to entice them to live there.”

Rovner: And it costs more for doctors to live there anyway, right?

Zionts: Yes.

Rovner: The cost of living is high in Alaska.

Zionts: Yes. The expert I spoke with, an economist who has studied this issue. He said, “Yes, that is part of it.” Like you said, everything is more expensive in Alaska, but even when accounting for that, the prices are even higher. So the growth of cost in the health care sector in Alaska is higher than the growth of overall cost. And he listed some policies or trends that might explain that. There’s one that really stood out, which is something called the “80th percentile rule,” but it was meant to contain cost for when you’re seen by out-of-network providers. And it seems that it may have actually backfired, and the state is considering repealing that. But as Elisabeth Rosenthal, one of our editors at KFF Health News, and she’s written an entire book about this, as she said, “This is how our health system works. There’s no law saying, this is how much you can upcharge for some intrinsic value of a medicine or of a service. So hospitals can do what they want.” So …

Rovner: And we should point out, I mean, this is not a for-profit hospital, right? It’s owned by the city.

Zionts: Yes. This is a nonprofit hospital owned by the city, and they don’t get a ton of money from the city or state, which is interesting though. So they’re really getting their funding from the services they provide. And the hospital said they try to make it fair by comparing it to wholesale costs, what other hospitals in the region are charging. But they also said, “Yes, we do need to account for the higher costs.”

Rovner: So what’s the takeaway here? I mean, basically what it costs is going to depend on where you live?

Zionts: Basically, what we’ve learned from all these Bill of the Months is that it’s going to vary depending on what facility you go to. And that could be within one city, the prices could vary. And then you might see some more variation between states and especially in states where the cost of living is higher or it’s more remote.

Rovner: Of which Alaska is both.

Zionts: Yes. And actually, something to add is that the amount of money that this hospital has to spend to fly in doctors and nurses and also just staff, even nonmedical staff, they spent nearly $11 million last year to transport them and pay them because they don’t have enough local people. And the other takeaway, though, is that yes, this can be explained, but also, it’s unexplainable in the sense that our health care system doesn’t have some magic formula or some hard rules about what is, quote, “fair.”

Rovner: Yes, at least when it comes to Medicare, Congress has been trying to do that for, oh, I don’t know, about 50 years now. Still working on it. Arielle Zionts, thank you very much for joining us.

Zionts: Thank you for having me.

Rovner: OK. We are back, and it’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Joanne, you’ve already done yours. Alice, why don’t you go next?

Ollstein: I did a piece by my former colleague Angela Hart for KFF Health News, and it’s about street medicine. So teams of doctors working with unhoused people, and this is profiling mainly in Northern California, but it’s sort of discussing this across the country. And in addition to the really very moving personal stories that she found in her reporting, she also talked about some of the structural stuff that is supporting the expansion of this kind of health care. And so California was already putting a lot of money into health care services for the homeless, but in hospitals and in clinics, they were finding that people just aren’t able to come in. Whether it’s because they don’t want to leave all of their earthly possessions unguarded or because they can’t get the transportation or whatever. And so that money’s now being redirected into having the doctors go to them, which seems to be successful in some ways, but the depth of health care problems is just so deep. And …

Rovner: But also, really the importance of primary care.

Ollstein: Absolutely. And so what they’re finding is just a lot of pregnancies and problems with pregnancy in the homeless population. And so they’re doing more services around that and more offering contraception and prenatal care for the people who are already pregnant. It’s very sad, but somewhat hopeful. And the other more structural thing is changing rules so that doctors can get reimbursed at a decent rate for providing street medicine as opposed to in brick-and-mortar facilities.

Rovner: Thanks. Lauren?

Weber: So I also have a KFF special from my former colleagues, Markian [Hawryluk] and Renu [Rayasam]. It’s just a great piece. It’s called “Doctors Abandon a Diagnosis Used to Justify Police Custody Deaths. It Might Live On, Anyway.” So what the piece does is it interviews the doctor who helped debunk what excited delirium is for his medical organization, but it reveals that that may not help in terms of court cases that have already been decided and in terms of science in general. And I think it’s so fascinating because what this piece does is it gets at what happens when flawed science then is used for lawsuits and consequential things for many, many years to come. I think we’ve seen a lot of stories this year about flawed science and what the actual ramifications are after, and this is clearly horrible ramifications here. And it’s just kind of a fascinating question of how does that ever get made right and how do things slowly or ever go back to what they should be after flawed science is revealed? So really, really great work from the team.

Rovner: Yeah, it’s really good piece. Well, keeping with the theme of choosing stories by our former colleagues. Mine is from a former colleague at NPR, Jeff Brady, and it’s “How Gas Utilities Used Tobacco Tactics to Avoid Gas Stove Regulations.” And if you don’t know what that refers to, I have a book or several for you about the huge sums of money that the tobacco industry paid over many decades to have captive, scientific, quote-unquote, “experts” counterclaims that smoking is bad for your health. It turns out that the gas stove industry likewise knew that gas stoves were worse for your health than electric ones, and that those vent hoods don’t really take care of all the problems of the things that gas stoves emit. And that it also paid for studies intended to muddy the waters and confuse both customers and regulators. It’s a pretty damning story, and I say that as someone who is very much attached to my gas stove but am now having second thoughts.

OK, that is our show for this week. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review; that helps other people find us too. Special thanks as always to our amazing and patient engineer, Francis Ying. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org, or you can still find me holding down the fort at X, I’m @jrovner or @julierovner at Bluesky and Threads. Joanne, where are you these days?

Kenen: I’m more on Threads, @joannekenen1. I still have a Twitter account, @JoanneKenen, where I’m not very active.

Rovner: Alice?

Ollstein: I am @AliceOllstein on X and @alicemiranda on Bluesky.

Rovner: Lauren?

Weber: I’m @LaurenWeberHP on X, the HP stands for health policy, as I like to tell people.

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Stephanie Stapleton
Editor

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF Health News

@jrovner

Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

As House Republicans struggle — again — to decide who will lead them, the clock is ticking on a short-term spending bill that keeps the federal government running only until mid-November. The turn of the fiscal year has also left key health programs in limbo, including the one that provides international aid to combat HIV and AIDS.

Meanwhile, a major investigation by The Washington Post into why U.S. life expectancy is declining found that the reasons, while many and varied, tend to point to a lesser emphasis on public health here than in many peer nations.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet, Victoria Knight of Axios, and Lauren Weber of The Washington Post.

Panelists

Sarah Karlin-Smith
Pink Sheet

@SarahKarlin

Read Sarah's stories

Victoria Knight
Axios

@victoriaregisk

Read Victoria's stories

Lauren Weber
The Washington Post

@LaurenWeberHP

Read Lauren's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• House Republicans are choosing a new speaker with government funding still uncertain beyond Nov. 17. But some programs are already experiencing a lapse in their congressional authorizations, notably the global HIV/AIDS program known as PEPFAR — and the problems in renewing it are sending a troubling signal to the world about the United States’ commitment to a program credited with saving millions of lives.
• Drug companies have entered into agreements with federal health officials for new Medicare price negotiations even as many of them challenge the process in court. Early signals from one conservative federal judge indicate the courts may not be sympathetic to the notion that drug companies are being compelled to participate in the negotiations.
• Kaiser Permanente health system employees and pharmacists with major chains are among the American health care workers on strike. What do the labor strikes have in common? The outcry from workers over how staffing shortages are endangering patients, leaving overwhelmed medical personnel to manage seemingly impossible workloads.
• Elsewhere in the nation, new covid-19 vaccines are proving difficult to come by, particularly for young kids. Officials point to this being the first time the vaccines are being distributed and paid for by the private sector, rather than the federal government.
• Reporting shows those getting kicked off Medicaid are struggling to transition to coverage through the Affordable Care Act exchanges, even though many are eligible.

Also this week, Rovner interviews physician-author-novelist Samuel Shem, whose landmark satirical novel, “The House of God,” shook up medical training in the late 1970s. Shem’s new book, “Our Hospital,” paints a grim picture of the state of the American health care workforce in the age of covid.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too: 

Julie Rovner: The Atlantic’s “Virginia Could Decide the Future of the GOP’s Abortion Policy,” by Ronald Brownstein.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: The Wall Street Journal’s “Children Are Dying in Ill-Prepared Emergency Rooms Across America,” by Liz Essley Whyte and Melanie Evans.

Lauren Weber: ProPublica’s “Philips Kept Complaints About Dangerous Breathing Machines Secret While Company Profits Soared,” by Debbie Cenziper, ProPublica; Michael D. Sallah, Michael Korsh, and Evan Robinson-Johnson, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette; and Monica Sager, Northwestern University.

Victoria Knight: KFF Health News’ “Feds Rein In Use of Predictive Software That Limits Care for Medicare Advantage Patients,” by Susan Jaffe.

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

• The Washington Post’s “Medicaid Rolls Are Being Cut. Few Are Finding Refuge in ACA Plans,” by Amy Goldstein.
• The Washington Post’s “An Epidemic of Chronic Illness Is Killing Us Too Soon,” by Joel Achenbach, Dan Keating, Laurie McGinley, Akilah Johnson, and Jahi Chikwendiu.
• The Washington Post’s “How Red-State Politics Are Shaving Years Off American Lives,” by Lauren Weber, Dan Diamond, and Dan Keating.
• The Washington Post’s “England Considers Raising Smoking Age Until Cigarettes Are Banned Entirely,” by Andrew Jeong.

click to open the transcript

Transcript: Health Funding in Question in a Speaker-Less Congress

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’Episode Title: Health Funding in Question in a Speaker-Less CongressEpisode Number: 318Published: Oct. 12, 2023

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.]

Julie Rovner: Hello, and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News, and I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Oct. 12, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might’ve changed by the time you hear this, so here we go.

We are joined today via video conference by Victoria Knight of Axios.

Victoria Knight: Good morning.

Rovner: Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: And Lauren Weber of The Washington Post.

Lauren Weber: Hello, hello.

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview with doctor-author Samuel Shem, who wrote “House of God,” the seminal novel about medical training, back in the 1970s, and who has a new take on what ails our health care system. But first, the news. So, we’ve been off for a week so KFF could have an all-staff retreat in California, which was lovely, by the way. And against all odds, it’s Oct. 12 and the federal government is not shut down, although the continuing resolution that squeaked through Congress at the very last minute on Sept. 30 expires Nov. 17, so we could be going through all of this again next month.

Meanwhile, conservative Republicans, who were angry that House Speaker Kevin McCarthy agreed to keep the government open, ousted him from his job, the first time ever a speaker has been kicked out mid-Congress, and things are, to put it mildly, in disarray. But I want to go back to that six-week continuing resolution. It does just continue appropriations, but it also had some important, if temporary, authorizing provisions, like for community health centers, right, Victoria?

Knight: Yeah, that’s right. There were a few provisions that just kind of kept it going as it was, funded at the same level. That was community health centers, and there were a few for the Pandemic and All-Hazards Preparedness Act. Then there were also some things that were not renewed in PAHPA, and then also the PEPFAR program [the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief], which I figured we might talk about a little bit, which is the program that funds programs in other countries to help with HIV/AIDS treatment and research, and it’s been a long-standing bipartisan program, and it has come up against some obstacles this Congress.

Rovner: Just to remind people who don’t follow this as closely as we do, the appropriations are what actually keep the lights on. Those are the spending bills that Congress has to pass, either in permanent or temporary fashion, at the beginning of the fiscal year, Oct. 1, or things shut down. Things like PEPFAR and community health centers continue to get funded, but their official authorizations expired at the end of the fiscal year. While the community health centers were kept going, PEPFAR has not. Of course, the House, which is, as we speak, still leaderless, can’t really do anything. Are there, at least, negotiations going on? I know PEPFAR really is a bipartisan program, as you say, and there is some effort to keep it going, because some people frankly say it’s embarrassing for the United States to look like it is reneging on this, even though it’s technically not.

Knight: Well, I know it was originally started under a Republican president, George W. Bush, and has always been reauthorized for five-year intervals. That’s never not happened. I’ve talked to members of Congress about this. In the House, they only want to reauthorize it for one year, and they’ve been very open about that’s because they want a new Republican president to come in and further restrict where funding is going, to really, in their mind, ensure it’s not going to abortion funding, even though there’s really no evidence that funding from PEPFAR goes to NGOs [nongovernmental organizations] that fund abortions or anything like that.

Then, in the Senate, it’s a different story. Another little factor is that Sen. Bob Menendez was the lead on this, and then he had to step —

Rovner: Oops.

Knight: He had to step down from his chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and that’s just a matter of Senate rules, since he’s under indictment.

Rovner: Again.

Knight: Again, yes, and so Sen. Ben Cardin just took that chairmanship. I’m not sure how much PEPFAR is on his radar. I tried to ask him about it recently, and he was like, “I’ve got to go to a meeting.” I know for Menendez, it was a really big thing that he cared about and was like, “I want to reauthorize it for five years.” So, as far as I can tell, it’s kind of a standstill between the House and the Senate and, to be determined, but maybe at the end of the year, if we get a big bill, something will be put in there. Maybe they’ll negotiate it to three years. I’ve heard something about that, but again, this will be the first time it hasn’t been reauthorized for five years, and that would send a signal to other countries that maybe the U.S. is not as devoted to treating HIV/AIDS and helping programs in other countries.

Rovner: Yeah, obviously, with everything else going on in the world, it’s not the biggest deal, but there are still a lot of people who are very concerned about it. The other at least somewhat surprising thing that happened on Oct. 1, the beginning of the fiscal year, is that all of the drugmakers responsible for the 10 drugs that Medicare has selected for the first round of price negotiation have agreed to negotiate, at least for now. That’s likely because the first round of the first of several lawsuits in federal court seeking to block the program found in favor of the government. In other words, the program did not get blocked by the courts. But Sarah, this fight is a long way from over, right?

Karlin-Smith: Yeah, there’s a number of lawsuits. I think we might be up to eight now, but don’t hold me to that exact figure.

Rovner: Excel spreadsheets.

Karlin-Smith: Yeah. Even this lawsuit, the initial blow I think was pretty big for the drug industry here, because we have a Trump-appointed judge who made a pretty clear preliminary decision that he doesn’t think the drug industry can make its constitutionality challenges that this law is not constitutional, which I think is a pretty big deal, because most of the initial lawsuits revolved around constitutional challenges. Then, there are other issues, in the first particular case, around whether even the people who are suing have standing or it’s ripe for a lawsuit now, whether because anybody’s actually been harmed at this point. Yet, everybody, all the companies, have entered into agreements with Medicare to negotiate now. A lot of them have said, “Well, we’re doing this, but basically because we have no other choice. We have to. We’re doing it in protest. We’re still continuing our lawsuits.”

So, you can expect two parallel tracks to be going on right now, mostly behind the scenes. This is pretty much going to take a whole year for Medicare and the companies to get to the place where we’ll then see a public negotiated price next fall, next September. And these lawsuits to proceed, again, just I think the constitutionality issue got a really big blow. There are some other lawsuits that I think could be more interesting that are arguing more about decisions Medicare made, so more about APA, Procedures Act, cases, which are a little bit different and I think might have a little bit more chance of getting the drug industry some wins.

Rovner: The APA is the Administrative Procedures Act —

Karlin-Smith: Procedures Act, thank you.

Rovner: — and basically saying that Medicare didn’t follow all of the appropriate rules in how it devised and rolled out the program.

Karlin-Smith: Right, and I think —

Rovner: As opposed to the big lawsuits that said, “You can’t force us to do this,” which, not a lawyer, but every other health provider goes under the if you want to play in Medicare, you have to take our price, so it’s hard to see where the drug companies are going to have something completely different, but that’s just me. You never know.

Karlin-Smith: Right, and this Trump-appointed judge — I keep emphasizing that because they picked the 5th Circuit, they looked for a friendly judge, and they couldn’t get the win there. He said, “Medicare is a voluntary program. The government has stopped forcing you to participate in Medicare. If you don’t like this, you can leave.” I think this is a pretty symbolic loss for the industry and some of these arguments they’re going to make.

That said, these APA cases, you can maybe see them getting more tweaks around the edges to shift the program in ways that favor it, but we know the way litigation works in this country; it’s going to be this long slog to figure out how that shakes out as the program is potentially, again, on the other side, getting worked out and maybe implemented.

Rovner: We will see. All right. Well, elsewhere in disarray, if this was the summer of strikes in Hollywood, it’s shaping up as the autumn of strikes by health workers. Last week, 75,000 workers at Kaiser Permanente — no relation, just for my listeners — in several states walked out for three days. Workers at several other hospitals in and around Los Angeles walked out, and we’re seeing pharmacists taking work actions at both of the big chains, CVS and Walgreens. All of these walkouts have basically the same thing in common. Striking workers say that the shortage of personnel is endangering patients, as those who are left at work face impossible workloads.

These employers are not in a great situation to fix this. Covid accelerated the departure of a lot of healthcare workers, and there simply aren’t the bodies to fill all of these vacant positions. Is there any settlement in sight? Any way to fix any of this that anybody’s proposed?

Weber: I think if any of us sitting at this table have family, friends that work as nurses or pharmacists, they’ve been hearing about these problems for years. I mean, all it takes is talking to somebody that works in this industry to realize that they have been short-staffed and underfunded for a very long time. A lot of them really worry about the actual errors that can result from that. I mean, I think what’s really important to consider is to get to a strike, you have to have a lot of bad things going on. I mean, I think some of the reports say that some of these hospitals have filed countless complaints with the local county health in California that had not gotten listened to about their staffing shortages.

When you have short staffing for nurses, that means that you feel like patients are not getting seen. Something could be happening. They feel like they’re putting these people in jeopardy. I don’t really think there’s going to be a lot of end to this in sight. I think, once you kick off these strikes like this, it’s a bit of a chain effect. I mean, we saw CVS pharmacy employees had a strike, and then Walgreens employees have started doing that.

Frankly, the CVS one was pretty successful. The CVS CEO went out there and said, “Look, we hear your conditions. We’ll work on cutting down hours, and we’ll try and accommodate you.” I think we’re going to be in for a lot more of these in the months to come.

Rovner: Yeah, I mean, it’s one thing if workers — there aren’t enough checkers at the grocery store and you have to stand in line for longer, but it’s quite another thing when you have a nurse in an intensive care unit trying to keep track of six patients instead of three or a pharmacist trying to keep track of basically everything that’s going on with no help. That’s what we’re seeing around the country with these shortages of trained health care workers.

In California, there’s another complication, because they actually have laws about patient-nurse ratios in hospitals, and some of them are not being actually obeyed, so I imagine that this is going to go on. We hear a lot about health care worker shortages. I think this is the worst one that I’ve seen in my career, where there just really aren’t the bodies to meet the demand here.

Well, speaking of things that also aren’t going swimmingly — that seems to be our theme this week — there’s a lot of early demand for the new covid vaccine that was approved in September, and apparently not a lot of supply. Also, as we just discussed, a lot of the responsibility for the vaccine is being pushed to pharmacies, whose already overstretched staff simply don’t have the bandwidth to deliver vaccines in addition to all the drugs that they’re asked to be counting out and prescribing. Sarah, shouldn’t the system have been more ready for this? It’s not like we didn’t know pretty much exactly when this vaccine was going to become available. They’ve been saying mid-September for the last five months.

Karlin-Smith: Right, yeah. I mean, there’s definitely been a lot of criticism, particularly on the health insurance side with the codes and things not being set up to put it in. It’s less clear exactly what has gone wrong in the supply chain issue, where there are reports of wholesalers not being able to get supply to the pharmacies. Do you even have enough shots? Lots of people are reporting they have appointments. They get there. They show up. The pharmacist is out.

One thing I’ve been wondering is just there’s been low uptake of boosters in the U.S., and so if it’s been harder for them to predict how much supply they want to have, it’s a bit different when the government is no longer funding those shots. Pharmacies, doctor’s offices have been concerned. What if they buy more than they end up using? Are they out money? I know, in some cases, some of the companies have made some concessions and said, “We will take back unused product,” and so forth, because there’s just different financial considerations that I think are impacting how much supply is on hand at different times right now.

Rovner: And, of course, it’s even worse for kids, right? Because kids can’t go, generally, to the pharmacies to get their vaccines.

Karlin-Smith: Right. Most of the country, to get a vaccine by a pharmacist, you have to be at least 3. It varies a little bit by state and so forth. A lot of pediatricians’ offices don’t have these shots. One of the reasons it seems to be is that, again, these wholesalers who ship the supply around the country have prioritized adult vaccinations. I know, personally, my pediatrician’s office still does not have a shot, as well.

Rovner: And you have two little ones, right?

Karlin-Smith: Right. Again, I have one under 3, and I looked into vaccines.gov the other day to see what would they tell me if I put in for an under-3-year-old. There was one pharmacy in all of D.C. that claimed they would vaccinate someone under 3 for covid, which, I haven’t done the legwork yet to see if that’s actually correct, but, you know, you’re hearing these reports of people traveling really far to get pediatric shots. Again, just to emphasize that there are babies being born all the time who, when they turn 6 months, they are getting their first covid shot, right? They have not, hopefully they haven’t, had covid. You want them protected before they get exposed, so that’s a really crucial gap in the health system that I think people don’t appreciate, because a lot of people are just thinking now, well, oh everybody’s had covid or had two or three shots, and this is a particularly vulnerable population that’s having trouble finding vaccines right now.

Rovner: Yet, I mean, considering it’s very early in the respiratory disease season, there seems to be a lot of covid going around right now, which I suspect is why there’s such a demand, at least among the people who are most concerned about getting the vaccine, for getting the vaccine. It feels like it did at the beginning, when it’s like suddenly there’s this big rush of people at the beginning who want it. Eventually, there’ll probably be more vaccine than is needed, but for right now, I mean, I’m seeing lots and lots and lots of stories and anecdotes and everything about people, as you say, making appointments, showing up, and having the pharmacy saying, “Oops, we didn’t get our supply.”

Karlin-Smith: I mean, there’s been this sort of hope and narrative that covid, is it going to become seasonal in the way we think of flu, where there’s generally a more clear, defined season? You can kind of make a good guess that the best time to get your flu shot is in October and know you’ll be protected all flu season. As much as we hope that’s the case with covid and eventually becomes the case, that’s really not true now. We’ve still had — again, they’re relative maybe compared to some other surges, but we’ve had surges pretty much every summer, so it’s been really difficult. A lot of parents, I think, wanted to get their kids vaccinated before they went back into school and classrooms. If you have little kids, you just know, it becomes a big germ bath, and everybody gets sick.

Rovner: And parents wanted to get themselves vaccinated before their kids went back to school and brought home those germs.

Karlin-Smith: Right, so the timing of it, again, hasn’t been great, for that regard, but I think it is just this difficulty with covid, in that we haven’t had that same predictability of when you might get it during the year, so it is a lot harder to protect yourself.

Rovner: We’ll see how that sorts itself out. Well, keeping with our continuing theme of things that are not going great, let’s talk about the Medicaid unwinding. Our podcast colleague, Amy Goldstein, has a troubling story in The Washington Post about how people whose Medicaid coverage is being canceled but who are eligible for subsidized plans under the Affordable Care Act are in fact having trouble making that transition. Sometimes people are falling through the cracks because states don’t have enough information to know what they’re eligible for or they don’t have the staff to process the transitions.

Sometimes in states like California, people fail to follow up, even when they are given all the information they need. Is this just the inevitable fallout of trying to redetermine the complicated eligibility rules for more than 90 million Americans in a single year, or could something more have been done? I mean, how many times did I hear them say, “It’s OK if you get dropped from Medicaid. We’re going to get you onto your Affordable Care Act plan that’s fully subsidized.” That doesn’t seem to be happening in every state.

Karlin-Smith: I mean, it seemed like, from Amy’s reporting, that there are some states that have connected their Medicaid systems and their exchange sign-ups really closely, and those are going better, but —

Rovner: California, yeah.

Karlin-Smith: Right. Yeah, she mentioned the Medi-Cal system, but then even these states that she calls out as the success stories still have fairly low transition rates. It’s just one of the many examples of our country of having such separate systems and very different bureaucratic processes for sign-up that really hurt people. As we’ve seen with this Medicaid process, a lot of it is just about these paperwork, if you will, call them burdens, that really get people to lose their health insurance and not be covered, so that’s really —

Rovner: I taped a podcast earlier this week aimed at young adults, teaching them how to quote-unquote “adult,” talking about health insurance and open enrollment and how to get signed up. After the Affordable Care Act, there are so many more protections than there were before, and yet it is still unbelievably complicated to try to explain to somebody who’s facing this for the first time. There are just so many possibilities and so many ways. There’s lots of ways to get health insurance, and there’s even more ways to fall through the cracks and not get health insurance. It seems that the more we try to put band-aids on the system, the more confusing it gets to everybody. Maybe I’ve been doing this for too long.

All right, well, finally this week, also in not great news, The Washington Post has published a giant project on declining life expectancy in the United States. It turns out the problem is a lot more complicated than just covid and drug overdoses. Those are the things we’ve been hearing about for a while, although those are indeed a piece of it. Lauren, you were part of the team that put this project together. Tell us the real reasons why Americans aren’t living as long as they used to and aren’t living as long as people in other countries.

Weber: Our team found that income had a big, big part to do with that. The poorest counties in the U.S., compared to the richest counties of the U.S., are doing 6 times worse than they were 40-some years ago, when it comes to life expectancy. The income gap has increased, obviously, but not nearly as much as the life expectancy gap has increased. I think that says something about the U.S.

In general, I mean, as you mentioned, a lot of people consider opioids, deaths of despair, to be what’s killing Americans across the country, but they’re really overlooking chronic illness. Our reporting, my reporting with Dan Diamond and Dan Keating and I, we looked at how the politics also play into life expectancy. What we found is that public health initiatives and public health laws, like tobacco laws for tobacco taxes, seat belt laws, and investing in public health, does have a direct correlation to longevity of life.

State politics and state policies and lawmaker decisions can shave years off of Americans’ lives. What we found in our reporting and in our analysis is that that was happening in red states, particularly those in the South and the Midwest. What we did is we compared three counties that ring Lake Erie: Ashtabula, Ohio; Erie County, Pennsylvania; and Chautauqua, New York. These three counties, they’re all pretty down on their luck. Industrially, the jobs have gone. None of these counties is a success story in health, but they’re all across state lines. It’s just very vivid to see how the different tobacco taxes, seat belt laws have resulted in totally different outcomes when it comes to life expectancy. And you could see, even reflected in these counties, the covid death rates tracked the state investments in public health and the state infrastructure in public health.

So, you know, something that our series looks to do is explain why a state like Ohio has the same life expectancy as Slovakia. One in 5 Ohioans won’t make it to 65. That’s a pretty wild stat. I think a lot of people in this country don’t realize that life expectancy, some of these preventable diseases are preventable.

Rovner: Yeah, I mean, I was really taken by the comparison of tobacco taxes. Where the tobacco taxes were the lowest, which I guess was Ohio, the rate of smoking and, surprise, smoking-related diseases was much higher, and therefore life expectancy was much lower. I noticed The Washington Post had yet another story this week, not quite the same, but how Great Britain and some other countries in Europe are trying to effectively ban smoking, not by banning it outright, which will just make it a black market, but by doing it year by year so that the current cohort of people who smoke will be able to continue but as younger people get older, it will become illegal, until eventually, when everybody dies off, smoking will be basically banned in Great Britain. Somehow, I can’t see that ever happening here, but it’s certainly a public health initiative that’s pretty bold.

Weber: It’s pretty bold. It would not happen here. I mean, look, one of the legislators that we talked to in Ohio, who had stopped a lot of the tobacco taxes — Bill Seitz, House floor majority leader for Ohio — he smoked for 50 years before he quit this summer, actually, because he got kidney cancer and lost a kidney, so he stopped smoking. But what he said to us, when we asked him how he felt about having blocked all these tobacco taxes and if he planned to keep doing that, he said, “Well, just because I quit smoking doesn’t mean I’m going to become a smoke Nazi now. People have the liberty and the right to smoke.”

I mean, a lot of what our reporting came down to is this concept of personal freedom and liberty versus public health, looking at the community as a whole. It was really fascinating to dig into some of the interesting dynamics in Ohio, especially because Gov. DeWine, who is a Republican, has been more bold on public health and has tried to push the legislature to consider more of these initiatives, in part because he has a personal story. His daughter died over 30 years ago in a car accident, and so he’s been very aggressive in especially car safety, but really in a lot of public health initiatives because, as he told us, that kind of death clarifies things for you when it comes to tipping the scales for people’s loved ones. We’ll see that dynamic play out across the U.S., but it is fascinating to examine how tobacco is very much with us. I mean, 20% of Ohioans smoke. I mean, this is not — I think a lot of people consider opioids and these things to still be the new thing to focus on, but tobacco cessation is still very much a fight happening across the country.

Rovner: It’s interesting to me that it’s not just — I mean, the shorthand is red versus blue, but it’s not really just red versus blue because, as you point out, Gov. DeWine’s a Republican, fairly conservative Republican. Before him, Gov. Kasich, also fairly conservative, or used to be considered a fairly conservative Republican. I mean, it’s really about being pro-public health or anti-public health. It gets us back to PEPFAR, right? Victoria, in the early 2000s, Republicans were very pro-public health. Newt Gingrich led the charge to double the funding at the National Institutes of Health. And these days, what you have are very conservative Republicans who apparently don’t believe in public health or in science.

Knight: I was going to say, I think what this series does so well is it emphasizes that so much of our challenges in the U.S. with health is not about the medical system of health; it is the things that we sometimes don’t even think about as health care, not even just public health, but the economic practices, our labor practices, our housing, our food system, that actually these are some of the main things that end up impacting who is living longer and healthier, and so forth. I actually did an interview with an outgoing pharma lobbyist this week, and she was saying — she mentioned chronic diseases, which was a big part of Lauren’s story, and saying, “We actually have more problems with chronic disease now than we did when I started, even though now we have all these cheap, generic medicines for, you know, we have statins and blood thinners and a lot of diabetes medicines that are generic and all these things.” Yes, we have problems with people accessing this medical system and affording it in the U.S., and that’s a big thing, but a lot of this is starting way before you get to the hospital and the doctor’s office, and the U.S. has all these amazing technologies, but we’re failing on these much more basic solutions to keeping people healthy and alive.

Rovner: It’s also not just physical access to health care. I mean, Ohio’s the home of the Cleveland Clinic, for heaven’s sakes, one of the major health care providers in the country. Many parts of Ohio are pretty rural, but it’s not like people have to drive hundreds of miles to get health care. I mean, this whole public health issue is not simply a matter of people can’t get to the doctor, the way we have concerns about that in places like Texas and the Far West. I mean, it really is just these everyday things, whether you wear your seat belt, whether you start smoking. I think it kind of shined a light on actual public health and the importance of public health to life expectancy.

Knight: I think, also, just going back to the politics of it for one second, I mean, I think the result of some of this is just the increased polarization between the two parties, and Republicans also, I think, were really mad about some decisions made during covid, and so we’re also seeing that where they’re, at the state and local level, wanting to strip money from public health departments, as Lauren has reported on at KFF Health News and the Post, and then that’s also, you’re seeing that in Congress as well, now, where they’re not wanting — they’re angry at some of these decisions made, and they want to strip funding from the CDC. They want to strip it from the NIH. We don’t know how the appropriations bills are going to end up, but it’s definitely something that they’re talking about in the House, at least, which is in Republican control.

Karlin-Smith: Everybody I talk to about anti-vaccine sentiment, they say once these sort of sentiments become aligned with your political identity, it makes it so much harder to shift course, so again, this idea that there’s political alignment around how we think about public health is just seen as so problematic because of how people see their identities. It becomes much harder to change people’s opinions when it’s tied into your politics like that.

Weber: Yeah, and I just wanted to highlight, so one of the folks I met in Ashtabula, Ohio, was Mike Czup, who was a funeral home owner, who was 52 years old. What he told me is that a quarter of the people he buries are younger than him. I mean, that’s just a wild statistic; a quarter of the people he buries are younger than him. Honestly, he wasn’t even surprised. I mean, that was just the norm. That was the way of life. I think that’s what this series shines a light on is that people across the U.S. just assume that lung cancer, heart attack, stroke — that’s just what happens. But that’s not the case across the world. It doesn’t have to be the case, and in certain states it’s not the case. California has much better life expectancy than Ohio does, despite them both being on a very similar trajectory in the ’90s. It’s pretty stark findings.

Rovner: Yeah, it’s a really, really, really good series. We will link to it on the podcast page. All right, well, that is this week’s news. Now we will play my interview with Sam Shem, physician, author, and playwright, and then we will come back and do our extra credits for this week.

I am honored to welcome to the podcast Samuel Shem — not his real name, by the way. Dr. Shem shook up the world of medical training back in 1978, when he wrote a groundbreaking novel about his first year as a medical resident, called “House of God.” It was funny and sad and painted an altogether not very pretty picture of medical training in Boston at some of the nation’s most esteemed hospitals and medical schools.

He has spent most of the past five decades crusading, if I can use that verb, to “put the human back in health care.” Fun fact: My mom interviewed him for The Washington Post in 1985. Now Shem has a new novel called “Our Hospital.” It paints a funny and sad picture of the state of medical practice and the state of the American patient in the era of covid. It’s actually the fourth and final volume of his irreverent evaluation of the U.S. health care system. I spoke to Dr. Shem from his home office in upstate New York and started by asking him why he wanted to write a novel about covid.

Samuel Shem: I don’t know how much longer I’m going to be able to write. Nobody does, really. What I did is I said, “Someone has to write about what’s going on in a hospital, and we have to now talk about nurses.” I haven’t put them at the forefront until now, because they have done so incredibly much. I’m taking all the other books, the “House of God” books and others, and I’m bringing them all together like a family. I don’t have a big family, so I’m absolutely doing this with care and vehemence and also a lot of skill in shifting gears, so go read it.

Rovner: I sort of approached this with trepidation, because who wants to read a novel about covid? But, in the end, it’s a pretty optimistic book about what the future of medicine can be, which, forgive me, feels odd for a novel about covid and the possible end of democracy. Are you really that optimistic about America’s ability to cure what ails our health care system, or did you just get tired of writing depressing literature about the health care system?

Shem: Well, I am a crazy optimist, because I grew up in a time, like your mother, when things changed. They changed because we got out there and we were in the streets, and it changed. I was partly in the USA and partly on a Rhodes in Oxford. I think we just have to get together and try to stay together. What this book does: The doctors and the nurses come together, and that is an immense force. We can do this. That’s what I think. The best person in the book, that I have ever written, in some ways, were the women nurses.

Rovner: The heroes of this book are all women, doctors and nurses. You’ve obviously been roundly criticized for your portrayal of women in the original “House of God.” Is it just that you wanted to make it up, or do you really think that women are the future of fixing health care?

Shem: The future of anything. My wife, Janet Surrey, and I, we worked a lot a long time ago on male-female relationships. Women are a beacon of what men could do in medicine. You’ve got to have some kind of group that can get what we need.

Rovner: You’ve watched the evolution of medical practice in America for half a century now, the amazing advances and depressing depersonalization and corporatization. Which one is winning, at this point?

Shem: Well, both. The money — it’s hard to take money from people with so much money. It’s crazy. It’s insane. There are other models, in Australia and all that stuff. What’s happening, unfortunately, is that doctors are running. They’re saying, “I don’t want to do this anymore.” Sooner or later, with some giant people talking about it — doctors and nurses — it can’t go on. It really can’t go on.

Some of the things that I’m hearing: Doctors, they’re saying, “Well, in two years, I’m gone. I can’t do this anymore.” But we can’t do it alone. I can’t say it so more and more. I mean, I know a lot about this in various different jobs I’ve had. It’s got to be with doctors and nurses.

Rovner: What ties a lot of your writing together is the notion of burnout for medical professionals, which may be, as you mentioned, one of the biggest problems right now in U.S. health care. If you could wave a magic wand, what’s one thing that you could do that could help medical professionals, both doctors and nurses and everybody else who works in medicine, love their work again?

Shem: It’s terrible. Young doctors, they don’t know what to do, you know?

Rovner: I mean, do you worry that people won’t want to go into medicine because it’s now viewed as doctors particularly don’t have the community esteem that they used to? Health workers are in danger sometimes in their own workplaces. It’s not a great situation.

Shem: Yes, I think we became horrified when we went on our first medical school times that we were in the hospital. Right when the kids go into the hospital, it’s obvious. It’s really obvious. They’re seeing the house staff spending 80% in front of a computer to bill, so they can’t help but do it.

The problem is you’ve spent so much money and so much time. What the hell should I do? But there are people who are really paying attention to this. I don’t really do it in person too much, but in everything I say these kinds of things, so I think it might help.

Rovner: You’ve now influenced several generations of medical practitioners. Is there a single lesson that you hope you have imparted on all of them?

Shem: Yes. This is what I start my addresses with. I call it staying human in medicine, the danger of isolation and the healing power of good connection. It’s not I-you; it’s the connection that goes after each of them. What’s good connection? Mutual connection. If it’s not mutual, it’s not that good. If you let me, maybe I could read the very end. Is that all right?

Rovner: Yes, please.

Shem: “I’m with you totally. Almost everyone in medicine is hurting, doctors, nurses, and all the others, working in the money-driven hell realms of American care. We’re all suffering terribly. Covid has lit it all up for all to see. The resists to our bodies, minds, and spirits are profound, killing ourselves, acting normal, the poor and people of color dying in droves.”

He paused, scanning the trees for the fat man. Nothing. He went on, “We do miracles every day, we doctors, but we haven’t been able to get a place to work in body and spirit. One in 5 health care workers have quit. Many of us died. At the start of covid, we did the most important thing for us and our patients. We stuck together.” We did. It’s a model, right? But not lasting into the daytime. Hatred and money killed it. I have confidence. We’re no dopes, we docs.

I just think people like you, and people who pay attention, it’s inevitable. I do think it’s inevitable that we’re going to get better stuff. It really will.

Rovner: And get some of the greed out of medicine?

Shem: Yes, because it’s going to crash. You can’t go on like this. Nobody can go on like this. I think so. I really do. You know what? It doesn’t take much. How did we get rid of the presidents in the ’60s? Basically, people who are into power are scared about losing the power, you know, all of the people who protect them and all that stuff.

Rovner: Well, thank you very much, Dr. Samuel Shem. Thank you for joining us.

Shem: OK.

Rovner: We are back, and it’s time for our extra credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Victoria, why don’t you go first this week?

Knight: Sure thing. My extra credit is from KFF Health News, and it is called “Feds Rein In Use of Predictive Software That Limits Care for Medicare Advantage Patients,” by Susan Jaffe. This basically was looking at how Medicare Advantage plans, which are plans that private health insurers run for people that are of Medicare age — they’re basically running their health insurance programs — it’s talking about how these MA plans are using predictive software systems to make coverage decisions for patients, and so they’re looking at other patients that may have similar illnesses and what their treatments were and how long it took to treat them and then, based on that, deciding when they should cut off coverage for patients.

Rovner: That doesn’t always work very well, does it?

Knight: No, it does not. This story chronicles how this has happened to several patients, who were not ready to finish having whatever their treatment, illness — the person profiled in the story still couldn’t walk well. She had a colostomy bag, and they were going to cut off her coverage, and so she had to keep paying for it, almost $10,000, just because this software said, “Oh, you should be done by now, based on other people’s cases.”

But there is some good news, in that there is a Biden administration regulation that will be put into effect in January, and that’s going to do a better job of making sure these plans take the individual patient’s circumstances into account when making these coverage decisions, but we’ll see how that actually plays out. It takes effect in January.

Rovner: Really good story.

Knight: Yes, it’s a very good story, yes.

Rovner: Sarah.

Karlin-Smith: I looked at a Wall Street Journal story, “Children Are Dying in Ill-Prepared Emergency Rooms Across America,” by Liz Essley Whyte and Melanie Evans. It’s a piece that talks about how so many hospitals are not properly equipped to treat pediatric patients when they go to the ER. It’s a failure of regulations, standards, and so forth. They really document how this has been a long-known problem, going back 20-plus years, and things have not changed. This may mean that you might not — even if you have a hospital near you — you might not have a hospital that really can successfully save your child’s life. That is because children are not little adults. There’s different — you really have to be trained to know how to deal with them in emergencies and also even just have the equipment, the specialized sized equipment and so forth, to deal with them in emergencies.

It’s a really sad story. It gets into some of the economic reasons why these hospitals are not prepared. But again, it gives you a sense of a connection to Lauren’s piece, and the Post’s big piece, which is that we have a lot of tools and technology we’ve developed in this country, but if it’s not available to the people when and where they need it, lives don’t get saved.

Rovner: This piece really shook me, because I assume that — I mean, kids are the ones who seem to end up in the emergency room most often. They’re the ones who have accidents and fall off their bikes and get sick in the middle of the night and all those other things, and yet so many emergency rooms are not prepared for them. Anyway, Lauren.

Weber: I picked a piece that is particularly alarming if you know anyone that has a CPAP [continuous positive airway pressure] machine, but it’s titled “Philips Kept Complaints About Dangerous Breathing Machines Secret While Company Profits Soared.” It’s a collaboration between ProPublica, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, and Northwestern, and I believe a Netherlands paper, as well. It’s a very disturbing investigation about how Philips knew, had been getting a ton of complaints, that when they rejiggered some of their breathing machines, the foam was disintegrating and chunks of the black material was then getting into people who were using the breathing machine’s lungs and, from the court cases, it appears, causing them potential cancers and adverse health effects.

The FDA, I guess, from reading the piece, requires that companies report complaints, but according to this, Philips did not tell the FDA about all these complaints. It’s a really alarming story, because you’re like, how many other companies are not telling anyone about the complaints they’re receiving? Just really well-done investigation. It appears to be based on court documents, so hats off to them, but very disturbing, again, if you have anyone that has a CPAP or breathing machine they need to sleep, which is vital for everyone. If you have an understanding about how those work, you are hooked up to it, so you are forced to breathe through it, so it really disturbed me that that could be causing you adverse health effects down the road.

Rovner: Yeah, I mean, this is obviously not the first story we’ve seen on this, but it’s certainly one of the most detailed stories that we have seen about this. Well, my story this week is from The Atlantic, by Ron Brownstein. It’s called “Virginia Could Determine the Future of the GOP’s Abortion Policy.” I think he’s right. Virginia votes in odd-numbered years, remember. While Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin isn’t on the ballot next month, the entire state legislature, which has teetered between Republican and Democratic control over the past several elections, is facing the voters.

Democrats in Virginia, as elsewhere, are charging that if Republicans take back the majority in the State House and Senate, they will restrict abortion, which is likely true, but Republicans say they won’t, quote, “ban abortion,” per se, but would rather set a limit of 15 weeks, with exceptions for rape, incest, and the life of the pregnant person. If voters in a purple state like Virginia see that as a compromise position, rather than a ban, it could set the stage for Republicans elsewhere to fight the current Democratic advantage on the abortion issue. We will see, in about a month, how that all shakes out.

OK, that is our show for this week. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review. That helps other people find us, too. Special thanks, as always, to our amazing engineer, Francis Ying. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org, or you can still find me at X @jrovner or @julierovner at Bluesky and Threads. Sarah?

Karlin-Smith: I’m @SarahKarlin or @sarahkarlin-smith.

Rovner: Lauren.

Weber: I’m @LaurenWeberHP, for health policy.

Rovner: Victoria.

Knight: I’m @victoriaregisk [on X and Threads].

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Emmarie Huetteman
Editor

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF Health News

@jrovner

Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

Federal officials have instructed at least 30 states to reinstate Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program coverage for half a million people, including children, after an errant computer program wrongly determined they were no longer eligible. It’s just the latest hiccup in the yearlong effort to redetermine the eligibility of beneficiaries now that the program’s pandemic-era expansion has expired.

Meanwhile, the federal government is on the verge of a shutdown, as a small band of House Republicans resists even a short-term spending measure to keep the lights on starting Oct. 1. Most of the largest federal health programs, including Medicare, have other sources of funding and would not be dramatically impacted — at least at first. But nearly half of all employees at the Department of Health and Human Services would be furloughed, compromising how just about everything runs there.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Rachel Roubein of The Washington Post, Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call, and Sarah Karlin-Smith of Pink Sheet.

Panelists

Sarah Karlin-Smith
Pink Sheet

@SarahKarlin

Read Sarah's stories

Sandhya Raman
CQ Roll Call

@SandhyaWrites

Read Sandhya's stories

Rachel Roubein
The Washington Post

@rachel_roubein

Read Rachel's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• Officials in North Carolina announced the state will expand its Medicaid program starting on Dec. 1, granting thousands of low-income residents access to health coverage. With North Carolina’s change, just 10 states remain that have not expanded the program — yet, considering those states have resisted even as the federal government has offered pandemic-era and other incentives, it is unlikely more will follow for the foreseeable future.
• The federal government revealed that nearly half a million individuals — including children — in at least 30 states were wrongly stripped of their health coverage under the Medicaid unwinding. The announcement emphasizes the tight-lipped approach state and federal officials have taken to discussing the in-progress effort, though some Democrats in Congress have not been so hesitant to criticize.
• The White House is pointing to the possible effects of a government shutdown on health programs, including problems enrolling new patients in clinical trials at the National Institutes of Health and conducting food safety inspections at the FDA.
• Americans are grappling with an uptick in covid cases, as the Biden administration announced a new round of free test kits available by mail. But trouble accessing the updated vaccine and questions about masking are illuminating the challenges of responding in the absence of a more organized government effort.
• And the Biden administration is angling to address health costs at the executive level. The White House took its first step last week toward banning medical debt from credit scores, as the Federal Trade Commission filed a lawsuit to target private equity’s involvement in health care.
• Plus, the White House announced the creation of its first Office of Gun Violence Prevention, headed by Vice President Kamala Harris.

Also this week, Rovner interviews KFF Health News’ Samantha Liss, who reported and wrote the latest KFF Health News-NPR “Bill of the Month,” about a hospital bill that followed a deceased patient’s family for more than a year. If you have an outrageous or infuriating medical bill you’d like to send us, you can do that here.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: JAMA Internal Medicine’s “Comparison of Hospital Online Price and Telephone Price for Shoppable Services,” by Merina Thomas, James Flaherty, Jiefei Wang, et al.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: The Los Angeles Times’ “California Workers Who Cut Countertops Are Dying of an Incurable Disease,” by Emily Alpert Reyes and Cindy Carcamo.

Rachel Roubein: KFF Health News’ “A Decades-Long Drop in Teen Births Is Slowing, and Advocates Worry a Reversal Is Coming,” by Catherine Sweeney.

Sandhya Raman: NPR’s “1 in 4 Inmate Deaths Happen in the Same Federal Prison. Why?” by Meg Anderson.

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

• KFF Health News’ “Diagnosis: Debt,” by Noam N. Levey and KFF Health News, NPR, and CBS staff.
• The New York Times’ “In Hospitals, Viruses Are Everywhere. Masks Are Not,” by Apoorva Mandavilli.

click to open the transcript

Transcript: More Medicaid Messiness

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’Episode Title: More Medicaid MessinessEpisode Number: 316Published: Sept. 27, 2023

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.]

Julie Rovner: Hello and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News. And I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping early this week, on Wednesday, Sept. 27, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast and things might’ve changed by the time you hear this, so here we go.

We are joined today via video conference by Rachel Roubein of The Washington Post.

Rachel Roubein: Good morning. Thanks for having me.

Rovner: Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call.

Sandhya Raman: Good morning.

Rovner: And Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: Later in this episode we’ll have my KFF Health News-NPR “Bill of the Month” interview with Samantha Liss. This month’s bill is literally one that followed a patient to his family after his death. But first, the news. I want to start with Medicaid this week. North Carolina, which approved but didn’t fund its Medicaid expansion earlier this year, approved a budget this week that will launch the expansion starting Dec. 1. That leaves just 10 states that have still not expanded the program to, mostly, low-income adults, since the Affordable Care Act made it possible in, checks notes, 2014. Any other holdout states on the horizon? Florida is a possibility, right, Rachel?

Roubein: Yes. There’s only technically three states that can do ballot measures. Now North Carolina, I believe, was the first state to actually pass through the legislature since Virginia in 2018. A lot of the most recent states, seven conservative-leaning states, instead pursued the ballot measure path. In Florida, advocates have been eyeing a 2026 ballot measure. But the one issue in Florida is that they need a 60% threshold to pass any constitutional amendment, so that is pretty, pretty high and would take a lot of voter support.

Rovner: And they would need a constitutional amendment to expand Medicaid?

Roubein: A lot of the states have been going the constitutional amendment route in terms of Medicaid in recent years. Because what they found was some legislatures would come back and try and change it, but if it’s a constitutional amendment, they weren’t able to do that. But a lot of the holdout states don’t have ballot measure processes, where they could do this — like Alabama, Georgia, etc.

Raman: Kind of just echoing Rachel that this one has been interesting just because it had come through the legislature. And even with North Carolina, it’s been something that we’ve been eyeing for a few years, and that they’d gone a little bit of the way, a little bit of the way a few times. And it was kind of the kind of gettable one within the ones that hadn’t expanded. And the ones we have left, there’s just really not been much progress at all.

Rovner: I would say North Carolina, like Virginia, had a Democratic governor that ran on this and a Republican legislature, or a largely Republican legislature, hence the continuing standoff. It took both states a long time to get to where they had been trying to go. And you’re saying the rest of the states are not split like that?

Raman: Yeah, I think it’ll be a much more difficult hill to climb, especially when, in the past, we had more incentives to expand with some of the previous covid relief laws, and they still didn’t bite. So it’s going to be more difficult to get those.

Rovner: No one’s holding their breath for Texas to expand. Anyway, while North Carolina will soon start adding people to its Medicaid rolls, the rest of the states are shedding enrollees who gained coverage during the pandemic but may no longer be eligible. And that unwinding has been bumpy to say the least. The latest bump came last week when the Department of Health and Human Services revealed that more than half a million people, mostly children, had their coverage wrongly terminated by as many as 30 states. It seems a computer program failed to note that even if a parent’s income was now too high to qualify, that same income could still leave their children eligible. Yet the entire family was being kicked off because of the way the structure of the program worked. I think the big question here is not that this happened, but that it wasn’t noticed sooner. It should have been obvious — children’s eligibility for Medicaid has been higher than adults since at least the 1980s. This unwinding has been going on since this spring. How is this only being discovered now? It’s September. It’s the end of September.

Roubein: Yeah. I mean, this was something advocates who have been closely watching this have been ringing the alarm bells for a while, and then it took time. CMS [the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services] had put something out, I believe it was roughly two weeks before they actually then had the roughly half a million children regain coverage — they had put out a, “OK, well, we’re exploring which states.” And lots of reporters were like, “OK, well which state is this an issue?” So yeah, the process seemed like it took some time here.

Rovner: I know CMS has been super careful. I mean, I think they’re trying not to politicize this, because they’ve been very careful not to name states, and in many cases who they know have been wrongly dropping people. I guess they’re trying to keep it as apolitical as possible, but I think there are now some advocates who worry that maybe CMS is being a little too cautious.

Karlin-Smith: Yeah, I think from the other side too, if you’ve talked to state officials, they’re also trying to be really cautious and not criticize CMS. So it seems like both sides are not wanting to go there. But I mean some Democrats in Congress have been critical of how the effort has gone.

Rovner: Yeah. And of course, if the government shuts down, as seems likely at the end of this week, that’s not going to make this whole process any easier, right? The states will still get to do what the states are doing. Their shutdown efforts, or their re-qualification efforts, are not federally funded, but the people at CMS are.

Karlin-Smith: Yeah, that’ll just throw another thorn in this as we’re getting very, very likely headed towards a shutdown at this point on the 27th. So I think that’ll be another barrier for them regardless. And I mean, most CMS money isn’t even affected by the yearly budget anyways because it’s mandatory funding, but that’ll be a barrier for sure.

Rovner: So, speaking of the government shutdown, it still seems more likely than not that Congress will fail to pass either any of the 12 regular spending bills or a temporary measure to keep the lights on when the fiscal year ends at midnight Sunday. That would lead to the biggest federal shutdown since 2013 when, fun fact, the shutdown was an attempt to delay the rollout of the Affordable Care Act. What happens to health programs if the government closes? It’s kind of a big confusing mess, isn’t it?

Roubein: Yeah, well, what we know that would definitely continue and in the short term is Medicare and Medicaid, Obamacare’s federal insurance marketplace. Medicaid has funding for at least the next three months, and there’s research developing vaccines and therapeutics that HHS, they put out their kind of contingency “What happens if there’s a shutdown?” plan. But there’s some things that the White House and others are kind of trying to point to that would be impacted, like the National Institutes of Health may not be able to enroll new patients in clinical trials, the FDA may need to delay some food safety inspections, etc.

Rovner: Sarah, I actually forgot because, also fun fact, the FDA is not funded through the rest of the spending bill that includes the Department of Health and Human Services. It’s funded through the agriculture bill. So even though HHS wasn’t part of the last shutdown in 2018 and 2019, because the HHS funding bill had already gone through, the FDA was sort of involved, right?

Karlin-Smith: Right. So FDA is lumped with the USDA, the Agriculture Department, for the purposes of congressional funding, which is always fun for a health reporter who has to follow both of those bills. But FDA is always kind of a unique one with shutdown, because so much of their funding now is user fees, particularly for specific sections. So the tobacco part of FDA is almost 100% funded by user fees, so they’re not really impacted by a shutdown. Similarly, a lot of drug, medical device applications, and so forth also are totally funded by user fees, so their reviews keep going. That said, the way user fees are, they’re really designated to specific activities.

So, where there isn’t user fees and it’s not considered a critical kind of public health threat, things do shut down, like Rachel mentioned: a lot of food work and inspections, and even on the drug and medical device side, some activities that are related that you might think would continue don’t get funded.

Rovner: Sandhya, is there any possibility that this won’t happen? And that if it does happen, that it will get resolved anytime soon?

Raman: At this point, I don’t think that we can navigate it. So last night, the Senate put out their bipartisan proposal for a continuing resolution that you would attach as an amendment to the FAA, the Federal Aviation [Administration] reauthorization. And so that would temporarily extend a lot of the health programs through Nov. 17. The issue is that it’s not something that if they are able to pass that this week, they’d still have to go to the House. And the House has been pretty adamant that they want their own plan and that the CR that they were interested in had a lot more immigration measures, and things there.

And the House right now has been busy attempting to pass this week four of the 12 appropriations bills. And even if they finished the four that they did, that they have on their plate, that would still mean going to the Senate. And Biden has said he would veto those, and it’s still not the 12. So at this point, it is almost impossible for us to not at least see something short-term. But whether or not that’s long-term is I think a question mark in all the folks that I have been talking to about this right now.

Rovner: Yeah, we will know soon enough what’s going to happen. Well, meanwhile, because there’s not enough already going on, covid is back. Well, that depends how you define back. But there’s a lot more covid going around than there was, enough so that the federal government has announced a new round of free tests by mail. And there’s an updated covid vaccine — I think we’re not supposed to call it a booster — but its rollout has been bumpy. And this time it’s not the government’s fault. That’s because this year the vaccine is being distributed and paid for by mostly private insurance. And while lots of people probably won’t bother to get vaccinated this fall, the people who do want the vaccine are having trouble getting it. What’s happening? And how were insurers and providers not ready for this? We’d been hearing the updated vaccines would be available in mid-September for months, Sarah. I mean they really literally weren’t ready.

Karlin-Smith: Yeah. I mean, it’s not really clear why they weren’t ready, other than perhaps they felt they didn’t need to be, to some degree. I mean, normally, I know I was reading actually because we’ve also recently gotten RSV [respiratory syncytial virus] vaccine approvals — normally they actually have almost like a year, I think, to kind of add vaccines to plans and schedules and so forth, and pandemic covid-related laws really shortened the time for covid. So they should have been prepared and ready. They knew this was coming. And people are going to pharmacies, or going to a doctor’s appointment, and they’re being told, “Well, we can give you the vaccine, but your insurance plan isn’t set up to cover it yet, even though technically you should be.” There seems like there’s also been lots of distribution issues where again, people are going to sites where they booked appointments, and they’re saying, “Oh, actually we ran out.” They’re trying another site. They’ve run out.

So, it’s sort of giving people a sense of the difference of what happens when sort of the government shepherds an effort and everybody — things are a bit simplified, because you don’t have to think about which site does your insurance cover. There is a program for people who don’t have insurance now who can get the vaccine for free, but again, you’re more limited in where you can go. There’s not these big free clinics; that’s really impacting childhood vaccinations, because, again, a lot of children can’t get vaccinated at the pharmacy. So I think people are being reminded of what normal looked like pre-covid, and they’re realizing maybe we didn’t like this so much after all.

Rovner: Yeah, it’s not so efficient either. All the people who said, “Oh, the private sector could do this so much more efficiently than the government.” And it’s like, we’re ending up with pretty much the same issues, which is the people who really want the vaccine are chasing around and not finding it. And I know HHS Secretary Becerra went and had this event at a D.C. pharmacy where he was going to get his vaccine. And I think the event was intended to encourage people to go get vaccinated, but it happened right at the time when the big front surge of people who wanted to get vaccinated couldn’t find the vaccine.

Karlin-Smith: I think that’s a big concern because we’ve had such low uptake of booster or additional covid shots over the past couple of years. So the people who are sort of the most go-getters, the ones who really want the shots, are having trouble and feeling a bit defeated. What does that mean for the people that are less motivated to get it, who may not make a second or third attempt if it’s not easy? We sort of know, and I think public health folks kind of beat the drum, that sort of just meeting people where they are, making it easy, easy, easy, is really how you get these things done. So it’s hard to see how we can improve uptake this year when it’s become more complicated, which I think is going to be a big problem moving forward.

Rovner: Yeah. Right. And clearly these are issues that will be ironed out probably in the next couple of weeks. But I think what people are going to remember, who are less motivated to go get their vaccines, is, “Oh my God, these people I know tried to get it and it took them weeks. And they showed up for their appointment and they couldn’t get it.” And it’s like, “It was just too much trouble and I can’t deal with it.” And there’s also, I think you mentioned that there’s an issue with kids who are too young to get the vaccine too, right?

Karlin-Smith: Right. Still, I think people forget that you have to be 6 months to get the vaccine. If you’re under 3, you basically cannot get it in a pharmacy, so you have to get it in a doctor’s office. But a lot of people are reporting online their doctor’s office sort of stopped providing covid vaccines. So they’re having trouble just finding where to go. It seems like the distribution of shots for younger children has also been a bit slower as well. And again, this is a population where just even primary series uptake has been a problem. And people are in this weird gap now where, if you can’t get access to the new covid vaccine but your kid is eligible, the old vaccine isn’t available.

So you’re sort of in this gap where your kid might not have had any opportunity yet to get a covid vaccine, and there’s nothing for them. I think we forget sometimes that there are lots of groups of people that are still very vulnerable to this virus — including newborn babies who haven’t been exposed at all, and haven’t gotten a chance to get vaccinated.

Rovner: Yeah. So this is obviously still something that we need to continue to look at. Well, meanwhile, mask mandates are making a comeback, albeit a very small one. And they are not going over well. I’ve personally been wearing a mask lately because I’m traveling later this week and next, and don’t want to get sick, at least not in advance. But masks are, if anything, even more controversial and political than they were during the height of the pandemic. Does public health have any ideas that could help reverse that trend? Or are there any other things we could do? I’ve seen some plaintiff complaints that we’ve not done enough about ventilation. That could be something where it could help, even if people won’t or don’t want to wear masks. I mean, I’m surprised that vaccination is still pretty much our only defense.

Karlin-Smith: I think with masks, one thing that’s made it hard for different parts of the health system and lower-level kind of state public health departments to deal with masks is that the CDC [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] recommendations around masking are pretty loose at this point. So The New York Times had a good article about hospitals and masking, and the kind of guidance around triggers they’ve given them are so vague. They kind of are left to make their own decisions. The CDC actually still really hasn’t emphasized the value of KN95 and N95 respirators over surgical masks. So I think it becomes really hard for those lower-level institutions to sort of push for something that is kind of controversial politically. And a lot of people are just tired of it when they don’t have the support of those bigger institutions saying it. And some of just even figuring out levels of the virus and when that should trigger masking.

It’s much harder to track nowadays because so much of our systems and data reporting is off. So, we have this sense we’re in somewhat of a surge now. Hospitalizations are up and so forth. But again, it’s a lot easier for people to make these decisions and figure out when to pull triggers when you have clear data that says, “This is what’s going on now.” And to some extent we’re … again, there’s a lot of evidence that points to a lot of covid going around now, but we don’t have that sort of hard data that makes it a lot easier for people to justify policy choices.

Raman: You just brought up ventilation and it took time, one, for some scientists to realize that covid is also spread through ultra-tiny particles. But it also took, after that, a while for the White House to pivot its strategy to stress ventilation measures in addition to masks, and face covering. So a lot of places are still kind of behind on having better ventilation in an office, or kind of wherever you’re going.

Rovner: Yeah, I mean, one would think that improving ventilation in schools would improve, not only not spreading covid, but not spreading all of the respiratory viruses that keep kids out of school and that make everybody sick during the winter, during the school year.

Roubein: I was going to piggyback on something Sarah said, which was about how the CDC doesn’t have clear benchmarks on when there should be a guideline for what is high transmission in the hospital for them to reinstate a mask mandate or whatever. But there’s also nuance to consider there. Within that there’s, is there a partial masking rule? Which is like: Does the health care staff have to wear them versus the patients? And does that have enough benefit on its own if it’s only required to one versus the other? I mean, I know that a lot of folks have called for more strict rules with that, but then there’s also the folks that are worried about the backlashes. This has gotten so politicized, how many different medical providers have talked about angst at them, attacks at them, over the polarization of covid? So there’s so many things that are intertwined there that it’s tough to institute something.

Karlin-Smith: I think the other thing is we keep forgetting this is not all about covid. We’ve learned a lot of lessons about public health that could be applicable, like you mentioned in schools, beyond covid. So if you’re in the emergency room, because you have cancer and you need to see a doctor right away. And you’re sitting next to somebody with RSV or the flu, it would also be beneficial to have that patient wearing a mask because if you have cancer, you do not need to add one of these infectious diseases on top of it. So it’s just been interesting, I think, for me to watch because it seemed like at different points in this crisis, we were sort of learning things beyond covid for how it could improve our health care system and public health. But for the most part, it seems like we’ve just kind of gone back to the old ways without really thinking about what we could incorporate from this crisis that would be beneficial in the future.

Rovner: I feel like we’ve lost the “public” in public health. That everybody is sort of, it’s every individual for him or herself and the heck with everybody else. Which is exactly the opposite of how public health is supposed to work. But perhaps we will bounce back. Well, moving on. The Biden administration, via the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the CFPB, took the first steps last week to ban medical debt from credit scores, which would be a huge step for potentially tens of millions of Americans whose credit scores are currently affected by medical debt. Last year, the three major credit bureaus, Equifax, Experian, and TransUnion, agreed not to include medical debt that had been paid off, or was under $500 on their credit reports. But that still leaves lots and lots of people with depressed scores that make it more expensive for them to buy houses, or rent an apartment, or even in some cases to get a job. This is a really big deal if medical debt is going to be removed from people’s credit reports, isn’t it?

Roubein: Yeah. I think that was an interesting move when they announced that this week. Because the CFPB had mentioned that in a report they did last year, 20% of Americans have said that they had medical debt. And it doesn’t necessarily appear on all credit reports, but like you said, it can. And having that financial stress while going through a health crisis, or someone in your family going through a health crisis, is layers upon layers of difficulty. And they had also said in their report that medical billing data is not an accurate indicator of whether or not you’ll repay that debt compared to other types of credit. And it also has the layers of insurance disputes, and medical billing errors, and all that sort of thing. So this proposal that they have ends up being finalized as a rule, it could be a big deal. Because some states have been trying to do this on a state-by-state level, but still in pretty early stages in terms of a lot of states being on board. So this can be a big thing for a fifth of people.

Rovner: Yeah, many people. I’m going to give a shout-out here to my KFF Health News colleague Noam Levey, who’s done an amazing project on all of this, and I think helped sort of push this along. Well, while we are on the subject of the Biden administration and money in health care, the Federal Trade Commission is suing a private equity-backed doctors group, U.S. Anesthesia Partners, charging anti-competitive behavior, that it’s driving up the price of anesthesia services by consolidating all the big anesthesiology practices in Texas, among other things. FTC Chair Lina Khan said the agency “will continue to scrutinize and challenge serial acquisitions roll-ups and other stealth consolidation schemes that unlawfully undermine fair competition and harm the American public.” This case is also significant because the FTC is suing not just the anesthesia company, but the private equity firm that backs it, Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe, which is one of the big private equity firms in health care. Is this the shot across the bow for private equity and health care that a lot of people have been waiting for? I mean, we’ve been talking about private equity and health care for three or four years now.

Karlin-Smith: I think that’s what the FTC is hoping for. They’re saying not just that we’re going after anti-competitive practices in health care, that, I think, they’re making a clear statement that they’re going after this particular type of funder, which we’ve seen has proliferated around the system. And I think this week there was a report from the government showing that CMS can’t even track all of the private equity ownership of nursing homes. So we know this isn’t the only place where doctors’ practices being bought up by private equity has been seen as potentially problematic. So this has been a very sort of activist, I think, aggressive FTC in health care in general, and in a number of different sectors. So I think they’re ready to deliberate, with their actions and warnings.

Rovner: Yeah, it’s interesting. I mean, we mostly think, those of us who have followed the FTC in healthcare, which gets pretty nerdy right there, usually think of big hospital groups trying to consolidate, or insurers trying to consolidate these huge mega-mergers. But what’s been happening a lot is these private equity companies have come in and bought up physician practices. And therefore they become the only providers of anesthesia, or the only providers of emergency care, or the only providers of kidney dialysis, or the only providers of nursing homes, and therefore they can set the prices. And those are not the level of deals that tend to come before the FTC. So I feel like this is the FTC saying, “See you little people that are doing big things, we’re coming for you too.” Do we think this might dampen private equity’s enthusiasm? Or is this just going to be a long-drawn-out struggle?

Roubein: I could see it being more of a long-drawn-out struggle because even if they’re showing it as an example, there’s just so many ways that this has been done in so many kind of sectors as you’ve seen. So I think it remains to be seen further down the line as this might happen in a few different ways to a few different folks, and how that kind of plays out there. But it might take some time to get to that stage.

Karlin-Smith: I was going to say it’s always worth also thinking about just the size and budget of the FTC in comparison to the amount of private actors like this throughout the health system. So I mean, I think that’s one reason sometimes why they do try and kind of use that grandstanding symbolic messaging, because they can’t go after every bad actor through that formal process. So they have to do the signaling in different ways.

Raman: I think probably as we’ve all learned as health reporters, it takes a really long time for there to be change in the health care system.

Rovner: And I was just going to say, one thing we know about people who are in health care to make money is that they are very creative in finding ways to do it. So whatever the rules are, they’re going to find ways around them and we will just sort of keep playing this cat and mouse for a while. All right, well finally this week, a story that probably should have gotten more attention. The White House last week announced creation of the first-ever Office of Gun Violence Prevention to be headed by Vice President Kamala Harris. Its role will be to help implement the very limited gun regulation passed by Congress in 2022, and to coordinate other administration efforts to curb gun violence. I know that this is mostly for show, but sometimes don’t you really have to elevate an issue like this to get people to pay attention, to point out that maybe you’re trying to do something? Talk about things that have been hard for the government to do over the last couple of decades.

Raman: It took Congress a long time to then pass a new gun package, which the shooting in Uvalde last year ended up catalyzing. And Congress actually got something done, which was more limited than some gun safety advocates wanted. But it does take a lot to get gun safety reform across the finish line.

Rovner: I know. I mean, it’s one of those issues that the public really, really seems to care about, and that the government really, really, really has trouble doing. I’ve been covering this so long, I remember when they first banned gun violence research at HHS back in the mid-1990s. That’s how far back I go, that they were actually doing it. And the gun lobby said, “No, no, no, no, no. We don’t really want these studies that say that if you have a gun in the house, it’s more likely to injure somebody, and not necessarily the bad guy.” They were very unhappy, and it took until three or four years ago for that to be allowed to be funded. So maybe the idea that they’re elevating this somewhat, to at least wave to the public and say, “We’re trying. We’re fighting hard. We’re not getting very far, but we’re definitely trying.” So I guess we will see how that comes out.

All right, well that is this week’s news. Now, we will play my “Bill of the Month” interview with Sam Liss, and then we’ll come back with our extra credits. I am pleased to welcome to the podcast my KFF Health News colleague Samantha Liss, who reported and wrote the latest KFF Health News-NPR “Bill of the Month” installment. Welcome.

Liss: Hi.

Rovner: This month’s bill involves a patient who died in the hospital, right? Tell them who he was, what he was sick with, and about his family.

Liss: Yeah. So Kent Reynolds died after a lengthy hospital stay in February of 2022. He was actually discharged after complications from colon cancer, and died in his home. And his widow, Eloise Reynolds, was left with a series of complicated hospital bills, and she reached out to us seeking help after she couldn’t figure them out. And her and Kent were married for just shy of 34 years. They lived outside of St. Louis and they have two adult kids.

Rovner: So Eloise Reynolds received what she assumed was the final hospital bill after her husband died, which she paid, right?

Liss: Yeah, she did. She paid what she thought was the final bill for $823, but a year later she received another bill for $1,100. And she was confused as to why she owed it. And no one could really give her a sufficient answer when she reached out to the hospital system, or the insurance company.

Rovner: Can a hospital even send you a bill a year after you’ve already paid them?

Liss: You know what, after looking into this, we learned that yeah, they actually can. There’s not much in the way that stops them from coming after you, demanding more money, months, or even years later.

Rovner: So this was obviously part of a dispute between the insurance company and the hospital. What became of the second bill, the year-later bill?

Liss: Yeah. After Eloise Reynolds took out a yardstick and went line by line through each charge and she couldn’t find a discrepancy or anything that had changed, she reached out to KFF Health News for help. And she was still skeptical about the bill and didn’t want to pay it. And so when we reached out to the health system, they said, “Actually, you know what? This is a clerical error. She does not owe this money.” And it sort of left her even more frustrated, because as she explained to us, she says, “I think a lot of people would’ve ended up paying this additional amount.”

Rovner: So what’s the takeaway here? What do you do if you suddenly get a bill that comes, what seems, out of nowhere?

Liss: The experts we talked to said Eloise did everything right. She was skeptical. She compared, most importantly, the bills that she was getting from the hospital system against the EOBs that she was getting from her insurance company.

Rovner: The explanation of benefits form.

Liss: That’s right. The explanation of benefits. And she was comparing those two against one another, to help guide her on what she should be doing. And because those were different between the two of them, she was left even more confused. I think folks that we spoke to said, “Yeah, she did the right thing by pushing back and demanding some explanations.”

Rovner: So I guess the ultimate lesson here is, if you can’t get satisfaction, you can always write to us.

Liss: Yeah, I hate to say that in a way, because that’s a hard solution to scale for most folks. But yeah, I mean, I think it points to just how confusing our health care system is. Eloise seemed to be a pretty savvy health care consumer, and she even couldn’t figure it out. And she was pretty tenacious in her pursuit of making phone calls to both the insurance company and the hospital system. And I think when she couldn’t figure that out, and she finally turned to us asking for help.

Rovner: So well, another lesson learned. Samantha Liss, thank you very much for joining us.

Liss: Thanks.

Rovner: Hey, “What the Health?” listeners, you already know that few things in health care are ever simple. So, if you like our show, I recommend you also listen to “Tradeoffs,” a podcast that goes even deeper into our costly, complicated, and often counterintuitive health care system. Hosted by longtime health care journalist and friend Dan Gorenstein, “Tradeoffs” digs into the evidence and research data behind health care policies and tells the stories of real people impacted by decisions made in C-suites, doctors’ offices, and even Congress. Subscribe wherever you listen to your podcasts.

OK, we’re back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org, and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Sarah, you were the first to choose this week, so you get to go first.

Karlin-Smith: Sure. I looked at a story in the Los Angeles Times, “California Workers Who Cut Countertops Are Dying of an Incurable Disease,” by Emily Alpert Reyes and Cindy Carcamo. Hopefully I didn’t mispronounce her name. They wrote a really fascinating but sad story about people working in an industry where they’re cutting engineered stone countertops for people’s kitchens and so forth. And because of the materials in this engineered product, they’re inhaling particles that is basically giving people at a very young age incurable and deadly lung disease. And it’s an interesting public health story about sort of the lack of protection in place for some of the most vulnerable workers. It seems like this industry is often comprised of immigrant workers. Some who kind of essentially go to … outside a Home Depot, the story suggests, or something like that and kind of get hired for day labor.

So they just don’t have the kind of power to sort of advocate for protections for themselves. And it’s just also an interesting story to think about, as consumers I think people are not always aware of the costs of the products they’re choosing. And how that then translates back into labor, and the health of the people producing it. So, really fascinating, sad piece.

Rovner: Another product that you have to sort of … I remember when they first were having the stories about the dust in microwave popcorn injuring people. Sandhya, why don’t you go next?

Raman: So my extra credit this week is from NPR and it’s by Meg Anderson. And it’s called “1 in 4 Inmate Deaths Happen in the Same Federal Prison. Why?” This is really interesting. It’s an investigation that looks at the deaths of individuals who died either while serving in federal prison or right after. And they looked at some of the Bureau of Prisons data, and it showed that 4,950 people had died in custody over the past decade. But more than a quarter of them were all in one correctional facility in Butner, North Carolina. And the investigation found out that the patients here and nationwide are dying at a higher rate, and the incarcerated folks are not getting care for serious illnesses — or very delayed care, until it’s too late. And the Butner facility has a medical center, but a lot of times the inmates are being transferred there when it was already too late. And then it’s really sad the number of deaths is just increasing. And just, what can be done to alleviate them?

Rovner: It was a really interesting story. Rachel.

Roubein: My extra credit, the headline is “A Decades-Long Drop in Teen Births Is Slowing, and Advocates Worry a Reversal Is Coming,” by Catherine Sweeney from WPLN, in partnership with KFF Health News. And she writes about the national teen birth rate and how it’s declined dramatically over the past three decades. And that, essentially, it’s still dropping, but preliminary data released in June from the CDC shows that that descent may be slowing. And Catherine had talked to doctors and other service providers and advocates, who essentially expressed concern that the full CDC dataset release later this year can show a rise in teen births, particularly in Southern states. And she talked to experts who pointed to several factors here, including the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, intensifying political pushback against sex education programs, and the impact of the pandemic on youth mental health.

Rovner: Yeah. There’ve been so many stories about the decline in teen birth, which seemed mostly attributable to them being able to get contraception. To get teens not to have sex was less successful than getting teens to have safer sex. So we’ll see if that tide is turning. Well, I’m still on the subject of health costs this week. My story is a study from JAMA Internal Medicine that was conducted in part by Shark Tank panelist Mark Cuban, for whom health price transparency has become something of a crusade. This study is of a representative sample of 60 hospitals of different types conducted by researchers from the University of Texas. And it assessed whether the online prices posted for two common procedures, vaginal childbirth and a brain MRI, were the same as the prices given when a consumer called to ask what the price would be. And surprise. Mostly they were not. And often the differences were very large. In fact, to quote from the study, “For vaginal childbirth, there were five hospitals with online prices that were greater than $20,000, but telephone prices of less than $10,000. The survey was done in the summer of 2022, which was a year and a half after hospitals were required to post their prices online.” At some point, you have to wonder if anything is going to work to help patients sort out the prices that they are being charged for their health care. Really eye-opening study.

All right, that is our show for this week. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review; that helps other people find us, too. Special thanks as always to our amazing engineer, Francis Ying. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can still find me at X, @jrovner. Sarah.

Karlin-Smith: I’m @SarahKarlin, or @sarahkarlin-smith.

Rovner: Sandhya.

Raman: @SandhyaWrites

Rovner: Rachel.

Roubein: @rachel_roubein

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Emmarie Huetteman
Editor

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

For Jacques, it was obvious she had to leave a housing situation that was putting her family’s health at risk. Black mold was growing on the walls of the trailer in which Jacques and her family had lived for five years. The mold caused everyone — Jacques, her husband, and her three younger daughters — to get more frequent headaches and stomachaches. It also impacted Jacques’ breathing because she is immune-compromised. “My ability to function as a normal human got worse and worse,” she said. Meanwhile, there were gaping holes in the trailer’s floor; Jacques fell through them in the bathroom twice.

Read the rest…

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF Health News

@jrovner

Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

Health and other federal programs are at risk of shutting down, at least temporarily, as Congress races toward the Oct. 1 start of the fiscal year without having passed any of its 12 annual appropriations bills. A small band of conservative House Republicans are refusing to approve spending bills unless domestic spending is cut beyond levels agreed to in May.

Meanwhile, former President Donald Trump roils the GOP presidential primary field by vowing to please both sides in the divisive abortion debate.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, Rachel Cohrs of Stat News, and Tami Luhby of CNN.

Panelists

Alice Miranda Ollstein
Politico

@AliceOllstein

Read Alice's stories

Rachel Cohrs
Stat News

@rachelcohrs

Read Rachel's stories

Tami Luhby
CNN

@Luhby

Read Tami's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• The odds of a government shutdown over spending levels are rising. While entitlement programs like Medicare would be largely spared, past shutdowns have shown that closing the federal government hobbles things Americans rely on, like food safety inspections and air travel.
• In Congress, the discord isn’t limited to spending bills. A House bill to increase price transparency in health care melted down before a vote this week, demonstrating again how hard it is to take on the hospital industry. Legislation on how pharmacy benefit managers operate is also in disarray, though its projected government savings means it could resurface as part of a spending deal before the end of the year.
• On the Senate side, legislation intended to strengthen primary care is teetering under Bernie Sanders’ stewardship — in large part over questions about how to pay for it. Also, this week Democrats broke Alabama Republican Sen. Tommy Tuberville’s abortion-related blockade of military promotions (kind of), going around him procedurally to confirm the new chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
• And some Republicans are breaking with abortion opponents and mobilizing in support of legislation to renew the United States President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief — including the former president who spearheaded the program, George W. Bush. Meanwhile, polling shows President Joe Biden is struggling to claim credit for the new Medicare drug negotiation program.
• And speaking of past presidents, former President Donald Trump gave NBC an interview over the weekend in which he offered a muddled stance on abortion. Vowing to settle the long, inflamed debate over the procedure — among other things — Trump’s comments were strikingly general election-focused for someone who has yet to win his party’s nomination.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: The Washington Post’s “Inside the Gold Rush to Sell Cheaper Imitations of Ozempic,” by Daniel Gilbert.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Politico’s “The Anti-Vaccine Movement Is on the Rise. The White House Is at a Loss Over What to Do About It,” by Adam Cancryn.

Rachel Cohrs: KFF Health News’ “Save Billions or Stick With Humira? Drug Brokers Steer Americans to the Costly Choice,” by Arthur Allen.

Tami Luhby: CNN’s “Supply and Insurance Issues Snarl Fall Covid-19 Vaccine Campaign for Some,” by Brenda Goodman.

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

• The AP’s “Biden’s Medicare Price Negotiation Is Broadly Popular. But He’s Not Getting Much Credit,” by Seung Min Kim and Linley Sanders.
• Roll Call’s “Sanders, Marshall Reach Deal on Health Programs, but Challenges Remain,” by Jessie Hellmann and Lauren Clason.

CLICK TO EXPAND THE TRANSCRIPT

Transcript: Countdown to Shutdown

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.]

Julie Rovner: Hello and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News. And I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Sept. 21, at 9 a.m. because, well, lots of news this week. And as always, news happens fast, and things might well have changed by the time you hear this. So here we go. We are joined today via video conference by Tami Luhby of CNN.

Tami Luhby: Good morning.

Rovner: Rachel Cohrs of Stat News.

Rachel Cohrs: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: And Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Hello.

Rovner: Let’s get to some of that news. We will begin on Capitol Hill, where I might make a T-shirt from this tweet from Wednesday from longtime congressional reporter Jake Sherman: “I feel like this is not the orderly appropriations process that was promised after the debt ceiling deal passed.” For those of you who might’ve forgotten, many moons ago, actually it was May, Congress managed to avoid defaulting on the national debt, and as part of that debt ceiling deal agreed to a small reduction in annual domestic spending for the fiscal year that starts Oct. 1 (as in nine days from now). But some of the more conservative Republicans in the House want those cuts to go deeper, much deeper, in fact. And now they’re refusing to either vote for spending bills approved by the Republican-led appropriations committee or even for a short-term spending bill that would keep the government open after this year’s funding runs out. So how likely is a shutdown at this point? I would hazard a guess to say pretty likely. And anybody disagree with that?

Ollstein: It’s more likely than it was a week or two ago, for sure. The fact that we’re at the point where the House passing something that they know is dead on arrival in the Senate would be considered a victory for them. And so, if that’s the case, you really have to wonder what the end game is.

Rovner: Yeah, I mean it was notable, I think, that the House couldn’t even pass the rule for the Defense Appropriations Bill, which is the most Republican-backed spending bill, and the House couldn’t get that done. So I mean it does not bode well for the fate of some of these domestic programs that Republicans would, as I say, like to cut a lot deeper. Right?

Cohrs: Democrats are happy, I think, to watch Republicans flail for a while. I think we saw this during the speaker votes. Obviously, a CR [continuing resolution] could pass with wide bipartisan support, but I think there’s a political interest for Democrats going into an election year next year to lean into the idea of the House Republican chaos and blaming them for a shutdown. So I wouldn’t be too optimistic about Democrats billing them out anytime soon.

Rovner: But, bottom line, of course, is that a shutdown is not great for Democrats who support things that the government does. I mean, Tami, you’re watching, what does happen if there’s a shutdown? Not everything shuts down and not all the money stops flowing.

Luhby: No, and the important thing, unlike in the debt ceiling, potentially, was that Social Security will continue, Medicare will continue, but it’ll be very bothersome to a lot of people. There’ll be important things that … potentially chaos at airlines and food safety inspectors. I mean some of them are sometimes considered essential workers, but there’s still issues there. So people will be mad because they can’t go to their national parks potentially. I mean it’s different every time, so it’s a little hard to say exactly what the effects will be and we’ll see also whether this will be a full government shutdown, which will be much more serious than a partial government shutdown, although at this point it doesn’t look like they’re going to get any of the appropriation bills through.

Rovner: I was going to say, yeah, sometimes when they get some of the spending bills done, there’s a partial shutdown because they’ve gotten some of the spending bills done, but I’m pretty sure they’ve gotten zero done now. I think there’s one that managed to pass both the House and the Senate, but basically this would be a full shutdown of everything that’s funded through the appropriations process. Which as Tami points out, the big things are the Smithsonian and the National Zoo close, and national parks close, but also you can’t get an awful lot of government services. Meanwhile, the ill will among House Republicans is apparently rubbing off on other legislation. The House earlier this week was supposed to vote on a relatively noncontroversial package of bills aimed at making hospital insurance and drug prices more transparent, among other things. But even that couldn’t get through. Rachel, what happened to the transparency bill that everybody thought was going to be a slam-dunk?

Cohrs: Well, I don’t think everybody thought it was going to be a slam-dunk given the chaos that we saw, especially in the Democratic Caucus last week, where one out of three chairmen who work on health care in the House endorsed the package, but the other two would not. And they ran into a situation where, with the special rule that they were using to consider the House transparency package, they needed two-thirds vote to pass and they couldn’t get enough Democrats on board to pass it. And I think there were some process concerns from both sides that there was a compromise that came out right after August recess and it hadn’t been socialized properly and they didn’t have their ducks in a row in the Democratic side. But ultimately, I mean, the big picture for me I think was how hard it really is to take on the hospital industry. Because this was the first real effort I think from the House and it melted down before its first vote. That doesn’t mean it’s dead yet, but it was an embarrassment, I think, to everyone who worked on this that they couldn’t get this pretty noncontroversial package through. And when I tried to talk to people about what they actually oppose, it was these tiny little details about a privacy provision or one transparency provision and not with the big idea. It wasn’t ideological necessarily. So I think it was just a reflection on Congress has taken on pharma, they’re working on PBMs this year, but if they really do want to tackle hospital costs, which are a very big part of Medicare spending, it’s going to be a tough road ahead for them.

Rovner: As we like to point out, every single member of Congress has a hospital in their district, and they are quick to let their members of Congress know what they want and how they want them to vote on things. Before we move on, where are we on the PBM legislation? I know there was a whole raft of hearings this week on doing something about PBMs. And my inbox is full of people from both sides. “The PBMs are making drug prices higher.” “No, the PBMs are helping keep drug prices in check.” Where are we with the congressional effort to try and at least figure out what the PBMs do?

Cohrs: Yeah, I think there is still some disarray at this point. I would watch for action in December or whenever we actually have a conversation about government funding because some of these PBM bills do save money, which is the golden ticket in health care because there are a lot of programs that need to be paid for this year. So Congress will continue to debate those over the next couple of weeks, but I think everyone that I talk to is expecting potential passage in a larger package at the end of the year.

Rovner: So speaking of things that need to be paid for, the saga of Sen. Bernie Sanders and the reauthorization of some key primary care programs, including the popular community health center program, continues. When we left off last July, Sen. Sanders, who chairs the Senate Health, Education, Labor & Pensions Committee [HELP], tried to advance a bill to extend and greatly expand primary care programs without negotiating with his ranking Republican on the committee, Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy, who had his own bill to renew the programs. Cassidy protested and blocked the bill’s movement and the whole enterprise came to a screeching halt. Last week, Sanders announced he’d negotiated a bipartisan bill, but not with Cassidy, rather with Kansas Republican Roger Marshall, who chairs the relevant subcommittee. Cassidy, however, is still not pleased. Rachel, you’re following this. Sanders has scheduled a markup of the bill for later today. Is it really going to happen?

Cohrs: Well, I think things are on track and the thing to remember about a markup is it passes on a majority. So as long as Sen. Sanders can keep his Democratic members in line and gets Sen. Marshall, then it can pass committee. But I think there are some concerns that other Republicans will share with Sen. Cassidy about how the bill is paid for. There are a lot of ambitious programs to expand workforce training, have debt forgiveness, and address the primary care workforce crisis in a more meaningful way. But the list of pay-fors is a little undisciplined from what I’ve seen, I would say.

Rovner: That’s a good word.

Cohrs: Sen. Sanders is pulling some pay-fors from other committees, which he can’t necessarily do by himself, and they don’t actually have estimates from the Congressional Budget Office for some of the pay-fors that they’re planning to use. They’re just using internal committee math, which I don’t think is going to pass muster with Republicans in the full Senate, even if it gets through committee today. So I think we’ll see some of those concerns flare up. It could get ugly today compared with HELP markups of the past of community health center bills. And there are certainly some concerns about the application of the Hyde Amendment too, and how it would apply to some of this funding as it moves through the appropriations process.

Rovner: That’s the amendment that bans direct government funding of abortion, and there’s always a fight about the Hyde Amendment, which are reauthorizing these health programs. But I mean, we should point out, I mean this is one of the most bipartisanly popular programs, both the community health center program and these programs that basically give federal money to train more primary care doctors, which the country desperately needs. I mean, it’s something that pretty much everybody, or most of Congress, supports, but Cassidy has what, 60 amendments to this bill. I guess he’s really not happy. Cassidy who supports this in general just is unhappy with this process, right?

Cohrs: I think his concern is more that the legislation is half-baked, not that he’s against the idea of it. And Sen. Cassidy did sign on to a more limited House proposal as well, just saying, we need to fund the community health centers, we need to do something. This isn’t ready for prime time. We could see further negotiations, but the time is ticking for this funding to expire.

Rovner: Well, another program whose authorization expires at the end of the month is PEPFAR, the international AIDS/HIV program. It’s being blocked by anti-abortion activists among others, even though it doesn’t have anything to do with the abortion. And this is not just a bipartisan program, it’s a Republican-led program. Former President George W. Bush who signed it into law in 2003, had an op-ed this week pushing for the program in The Washington Post. Alice, you’ve been following this one. Is there any progress on PEPFAR?

Ollstein: Yes and no. There’s not a vote scheduled, there’s not a “Kumbaya” moment, but we are seeing some movement. I call it “Establishment Republican Strike Back.” You have some both on- and off-the-Hill Republicans really mobilizing to say, “Look, we need to reauthorize this program. This is ridiculous.” And they’re going against the anti-abortion groups and their allies on Capitol Hill who say, “No, let’s just extend this program just year by year through appropriations, not a reauthorization.” Which they say would rubber-stamp the Biden administration redirecting money towards abortion, which the Biden administration and everybody else denies is happening. And so we confirmed that Chairman Mike McCaul in the House and Lindsey Graham in the Senate are working with Democrats on some sort of reauthorization bill. It might not be the full five years, it might be three years, we don’t really know yet. But they think that at least a multiyear reauthorization will give the program some stability rather than the one-year funding patch that other House Republicans are mulling. So we’re going to see where this goes; obviously, it’s an interesting test for the influence of these anti-abortion groups on Capitol Hill. And my colleague and I also scooped that former President Bush, who oversaw the creation of this program, is quietly lobbying certain members, having meetings, and so we will see what kind of pull he still has in the party.

Rovner: Well, this was one of his signature achievements, literally. So it’s something that I know that … and we should point out, unlike the spending bills, the appropriation bills, if this doesn’t happen by Oct. 1, nothing stops, it’s just it becomes theoretically unauthorized, like many programs are, and it’s considered not a good sign for the program.

Luhby: One thing I also wanted to just bring up quickly, tangentially related to health care, but also showing how bipartisan programs are not getting the support that they did, is the WIC program, which is food assistance for women, infants and children, needs more money. Actually participation is up, but even before that, the House Republicans wanted to cut the funding for it, and that was going to be a big divide between them and the Senate. And now because participation is up, the Biden administration is actually asking for another $1.4 billion for the program. This is a program that, again, has always had support and has been fully funded, not had to turn people away. And now it’s looking that many women and small children may not be able to get the assistance if Congress isn’t able to actually fund the program fully.

Rovner: Yes, they’re definitely tied in knots. Well, Oct. 1 turns out to be a key date for a lot of health care issues. It’s also the day drugmakers are supposed to notify Medicare whether they will participate in negotiations for the 10 high-cost drugs Medicare has chosen for the first phase of the program that Congress approved last year. But that might all get blocked if a federal judge rules in favor of a suit brought by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, among others. Rachel, there was a hearing on this last week, where does this lawsuit stand and when do we expect to hear something from the judge?

Cohrs: So the judge didn’t ask any questions of the attorneys, so they were essentially presenting arguments that we’ve already seen previewed in some of the briefing materials. We are expecting some action by Oct. 1, which is when the Chamber had requested a ruling on whether there’s going to be a preliminary injunction, just because drugmakers are supposed to sign paperwork and submit data to CMS by that Oct. 1 date. So I think we are just waiting to see what the ruling might be. Some of the key issues or whether the Chamber actually has standing to file this lawsuit, given it’s not an actual drug manufacturer. And there was some quibbling about what members they listed in the lawsuit. And then I think they only addressed the argument that the negotiation program violated drugmakers’ due process rights, which isn’t the full scope of the lawsuit. It’s not an indicator of success really anywhere else, but it is important because it is the very first test. And if a preliminary injunction is issued, then it brings everything to a halt. So I think it would be very impactful for other drugmakers as well.

Rovner: Nobody told me when I became a health reporter that I was going to have to learn every step of the civil judicial process, and yet here we are. Well, while we are still on the subject of drug prices, a new poll from the AP and the NORC finds that while the public, Republicans and Democrats, still strongly support Medicare being able to negotiate the price of prescription drugs, President [Joe] Biden is getting barely any credit for having accomplished something that Democrats have been pushing for for more than 20 years. Most respondents in the survey either don’t think the plan goes far enough, because, as we point out, it’s only the first 10 drugs, or they don’t realize that he’s the one that helped push it over the finish line. This should have been a huge win and it’s turning out to be a nothing. Is that going to change?

Ollstein: It’s kind of a “Groundhog Day” of the Obamacare experience in which they pass this big, huge reform that people had been fighting for so long, but they’re trying to campaign on it when people aren’t really feeling the effects of it yet. And so when people aren’t really feeling the benefit and they’re hearing, “Oh, we’re lowering your drug prices.” But they’re going to the pharmacy and they’re paying the same very high amount, it’s hard to get a political win from that. The long implementation timeline is against them there. So there are some provisions that kick in more quickly, so we’ll have to see if that makes any kind of difference. I think that’s why you hear them talk a lot about the insulin price cap because that is already in effect, but that hits fewer people than the bigger negotiation will theoretically hit eventually. So it’s tough, and I think it leaves a vacuum where the drug industry and conservatives can fearmonger or raise concerns and say, “This will make drugs inaccessible and they won’t submit new cures for approval.” And all this stuff. And because people aren’t feeling the benefits, but they’re hearing those downsides, yeah, that makes the landscape even tougher for Democrats.

Luhby: This is very much the pattern that the Biden administration has had with a lot of its achievements or successes because it’s also not getting any credit for anything in the economy. The job market is relatively strong still, the economy is relatively strong. Yes, we have high inflation and high prices, even though that’s moderated, prices are still high, and that’s what people are seeing. Gas prices are now up again, which is not good for the administration. But they’re touting their Bidenomics, which also includes lowering drug prices. But generally polling shows, including our CNN polling shows, that people do not think the economy is doing well and they’re not giving Biden any credit for anything.

Cohrs: I think part of the problem is that … it’s different from the Affordable Care Act where it was health care, health care, health care for a very long time. This is lumped into a bill called the Inflation Reduction Act. I think it got lumped in with climate, got looped in with tax. And the media, we did our best, but it was hard to explain everything that was in the bill. And Medicare negotiation is complicated, it’s wonky, and I don’t know that people fully understood everything that was in the Inflation Reduction Act when it passed and they capitulated to Sen. [Joe] Manchin for what he wanted to name it. And so I think some of that got muddled when it first passed and they’re kind of trying to do catch-up work to explain, again, like Alice said, something that hasn’t gone into effect, which is a really tough uphill climb.

Rovner: This has been a continuing frustration for Democrats, which is that actually getting legislation done in Washington always involves some kind of compromise, and it’s always going to be incremental. And the public doesn’t really respond to things that are incremental. It’s like, “Why isn’t it bigger? Why didn’t they do what they promised?” And so the Republicans get more credit for stopping things than the Democrats get for actually passing things. Right. Well, let us turn to abortion. The breaking news today is that the Senate is finally acting to bust the blockade Alabama Republican Sen. Tommy Tuberville has had on military promotion since February to protest a Defense Department policy allowing service people leave to travel to other states for abortions. And Tuberville himself is part of this breakage, right, Alice? And it’s not a full breakage.

Ollstein: Right. And there have also been some interesting interviews that maybe raise questions on how much Tuberville understands the mechanics of what he’s doing because he said in an interview, “Oh, well, the people who were in these jobs before, they’ll just stay in it and it’s fine.” And they had to explain, “Well, statutorily, they can’t after a certain date.” And he seemed surprised by that. And now you’re seeing these attempts to go around his own blockade, and Democrats to go around his blockade. In part, for a while, Democrats were really not wanting to do that, schedule these votes, until he fully relented because they thought that would increase the pressure.

Rovner: They didn’t want to do it nomination by nomination for the big-picture ones because they were afraid that would leave behind the smaller ones.

Ollstein: Exactly. But this is dragging on so long that I think you’re seeing some frustration and desire to do something, even if it’s not fully resolving the standoff.

Rovner: And I’m seeing frustration from other Republicans. Again, the idea of a Republican holding up military promotions for six months is something that was not on my Republican Bingo card five years ago or even two years ago. I’m sure he’s not making a lot of his colleagues very happy with this. So on the Republican presidential campaign trail, abortion continues to be a subject all the candidates are struggling with — all of them, it seems, except former President Donald Trump, who said in an interview with NBC on Sunday that he alone can solve this. Francis, you have the tape.

Donald Trump: We are going to agree to a number of weeks or months or however you want to define it, and both sides are going to come together, and both sides, and this is a big statement, both sides will come together and for the first time in 52 years, you’ll have an issue that we can put behind us.

Rovner: OK. Well, Trump — who actually seemed all over the place about where he is on the issue in a fairly bald attempt to both placate anti-abortion hardliners in the party’s base and those who support abortion rights, whose votes he might need if he wants to win another election — criticized his fellow Republicans, who he called, “inarticulate on the subject.” I imagine that’s not going over very well among all of the other Republican candidates, right?

Ollstein: We have a piece up on this this morning. One, Trump is clearly acting like he has already won the primary, so he is trying to speak to a general audience, as you noted, and go after those votes in the middle that he may need and so he’s pitching this compromise. And we have a piece that the anti-abortion groups are furious about this, but they don’t really know what to do about it because he probably is going to be the nominee and they’re probably going to spend tens of millions to help elect him if he is, even though they’re furious with these comments he’s making. And so it’s a really interesting moment for their influence. Of course, Trump is trying to have it both ways, he also is calling himself the most pro-life president of all time. He is continually taking credit for appointing the justices to the Supreme Court who overturned Roe v. Wade.

Rovner: Which he did.

Ollstein: Exactly.

Rovner: Which is true.

Ollstein: Which he definitely did. But he is not toeing the line anymore that these groups want. These groups want him to endorse some sort of federal ban on abortion and they want him to praise states like Florida that have passed even stricter bans. He is not doing that. And so there’s an interesting dynamic there. And now his primary opponents see this as an opening, they’re trailing him in the polls, and so they’re trying to capitalize on this. [Gov. Ron] DeSantis and a bunch of others came out blasting him for these abortion remarks. But again, he’s acting like he’s already won the primary, he’s brushing it off and ignoring them.

Rovner: I love how confident he is though, that there’s a way to settle this — really, that there is a compromise, it’s just nobody’s been smart enough to get to it.

Ollstein: Well, he also, in the same interview, he said he’ll solve the Ukraine-Russia war in a day. So I mean, I think we should consider it in that context. It was interesting when I talked to all these different anti-abortion groups, they all said the idea of cutting some sort of deal is ludicrous. There is no magic deal that everybody would be happy about. If anything …

Rovner: And those on the other side will say the same thing.

Ollstein: Exactly. How could you watch what’s happened over the past year or 30 years and think that’s remotely possible? However, they did acknowledge that him saying that does appeal to a certain kind of voter, who is like, “Yeah, let’s just compromise. Let’s just get past this. I’m sick of all the fighting.” So it’s another interesting tension.

Rovner: Yeah. And I love how Trump always says the quiet part out loud, which is that this is not a great issue for Republicans and they’re not talking about it right. It’s like Republicans know this is a not-great issue for Republicans, but they don’t usually say that in an interview on national television. That is Trump, and this will continue. Well, finally this week I wanted to talk about what I am calling the dark underbelly of the new weight loss drugs. This is my extra credit this week. It’s a Washington Post story by Daniel Gilbert called “Inside the Gold Rush to Sell Cheaper Imitations of Ozempic.” It’s about the huge swell of sometimes not-so-legitimate websites and wellness spas selling unapproved formulations of semaglutide and tirzepatide — better known by their brand names Ozempic, Wegovy, and Mounjaro — to unsuspecting consumers because the demand for these diabetes drugs is so high for people who want to lose weight. The FDA has declared semaglutide at least to be in shortage for the people it was originally approved for, those with Type 2 diabetes. But that designation legally allows compounding pharmacies to manufacture their own versions, at least in some cases, except to quote the piece, “Since then, a parallel marketplace with no modern precedent has sprung up attracting both licensed medical professionals and entrepreneurs with histories ranging from regulatory violations to armed robbery.” Meanwhile, and this is coming from a separate story, both Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk, the manufacturers of the approved versions of the drugs, are suing companies they say are selling unapproved versions of their drug, including, in some cases, drugs that actually pretend to be the brand name drug that aren’t. This is becoming really a big messy buyer-beware market, right? Rachel, you guys have written about this.

Cohrs: It has. Yeah, my colleagues have done great coverage, including I think the lawsuit by manufacturers of these drugs who are seeing their profits slipping through their fingers as patients are turning to these alternatives that aren’t necessarily approved by the FDA. And I think there are also risks because we have seen some side effects from these medications; they range from some very serious GI symptoms to strange dreams. There’s just a whole lot going on there. And I think it is concerning that some patients are getting ahold of these medications, which are expensive if you’re buying them the traditional way. And again, for weight loss, I think some of these medications are still off-label, they’re not FDA-approved. So if they’re getting these without any supervision from a medical provider or somebody who they can ask when they have questions that come up and are monitoring for some of these other side effects, then I think it is a very dangerous game for these patients. And I think it’s just a symptom of this outpouring of interest and the regulators’, I think, failure to keep up with it. And there’s also some supply concerns. So I think it’s just this perfect storm of desperation from patients and the bureaucracy struggling to keep up.

Rovner: Yeah. One of the reasons I chose the story is I really feel like this is unprecedented. I mean, I suppose it could have been predicted because these drugs do seem to be very good at what they do and they are very expensive and very hard to get, so not such a surprise that not-so-honest people might spring up to try and fill the void. But it’s still a little bit scary to see people selling heaven only knows what to people who are very anxious to take things.

Luhby: And in related news, there are more doctors who are interested in obesity medicine now, so everyone is trying to cash in.

Rovner: Yeah, I mean, eventually I imagine this will sort itself out. It’s just that at the beginning when it’s so popular, although I will still … I keep thinking this, is the solution to really throw this much money at it or to try to figure out how to make these drugs cheaper? If it’s going to be such a societal good, maybe we should do something about the price. Anyway, that is my extra credit in this week’s news. Now we will take a quick break and then we’ll come back with the rest of our extra credits.

Hey, “What the Health?” listeners, you already know that few things in health care are ever simple. So, if you like our show, I recommend you also listen to “Tradeoffs,” a podcast that goes even deeper into our costly, complicated, and often counterintuitive health care system. Hosted by longtime health care journalist and friend Dan Gorenstein, “Tradeoffs” digs into the evidence and research data behind health care policies and tells the stories of real people impacted by decisions made in C-suites, doctors’ offices, and even Congress. Subscribe wherever you listen to your podcasts.

OK, we are back and it’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it; we will post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Tami, why don’t you go first this week?

Luhby: Sure. Well, this week I chose a good story by one of my colleagues, Brenda Goodman. It’s titled “Supply and Insurance Issues Snarl Fall Covid-19 Vaccine Campaign for Some.” And we’ve all been hearing this, I heard this from a friend of mine who’s a doctor, we know Cynthia Cox at KFF tweeted about this. And that even though the new vaccines are ready and the Biden administration has been pushing people to go get them, and many people are eager to get them, they’re not so easy to get. Either because drugstores are running out, that’s what happened to my friend. She went in and said there just wasn’t any supply available. Or for some other people, they’re supposed to be free for most Americans, but the insurance companies haven’t caught up with that yet. So they go in and either they’re denied or the pharmacy tells them that they have to pay potentially $200 for the vaccines. So the problem here is that there’s already an issue with getting vaccines and people getting vaccinated in this country and then putting up extra hurdles for them will only cause more problems and cause fewer people to get vaccinated because some people may not come back.

Rovner: Talk about something that should have been predictable. The distributors knew it was going to be available and pretty much when, and the insurance companies knew it was going to be available and pretty much when, and yet somehow they seem to have not gotten their act together when the predictable surge of people wanting to get the vaccine early came about. Alice, you wanted to add something?

Ollstein: Just anecdotally, the supply and the demand are completely out of whack. My partner is back home in Alabama right now and he was at a pharmacy where they were just wandering around asking random people, “Will you take the shot? Will you take the shot?” And a bunch of people were saying, “No.” And meanwhile, here in D.C., myself and everyone I know is just calling around wanting to get it and not able to. And so you think we’d have figured this out better after so many years of this.

Rovner: Well, I have an appointment for tomorrow. We’ll see if it happens. Rachel, why don’t you go next?

Cohrs: Sure. I chose a KFF Health News story by Arthur Allen, and the headline is “Save Billions or Stick With Humira? Drug Brokers Steer Americans to the Costly Choice.” And I just love a story where it’s off the news cycle a little bit and we see this big splashy announcement. And I think Arthur did a great job of following up here and seeing what actually was happening with formulary placement for Humira and the new biosimilars that just came on the market.

Rovner: Yep. Remind us what Humira is?

Cohrs: Oh, yeah. So it’s one of the most profitable drugs ever. The company that makes it, AbbVie, had created this big patent thicket to try to prevent it from competition for a very long time, but this year saw competition that had been on the market in Europe finally come online in the U.S. So again, a big change for AbbVie, for the market. But I think there was concern about whether people would actually switch to these new medications that have lower prices. But again, as it gets caught up and spit out of our drug supply chain, there are a whole lot of incentives that don’t necessarily result in the cheaper medication being prescribed. And Arthur found that Express Scripts and Optum, which are two of the three biggest pharmacy benefit managers, have the biosimilar versions of Humira at the same price as Humira. So that doesn’t really create a lot of incentive for people to switch. So I think it was just great follow-up reporting and we don’t really have a lot of visibility into these formularies sometimes. So I think it was a illuminating piece.

Rovner: Yeah. And the mess that is drug pricing. Alice.

Ollstein: So I also chose a great piece by my colleague Adam Cancryn and it’s called “The Anti-Vaccine Movement Is on the Rise. The White House Is at a Loss Over What to Do About It.” It’s part of a series we’re doing on anti-vax sentiment and its impacts. And this is just going into how the Biden administration really doesn’t have a plan for combating this, even as it’s posing a bigger and bigger public health threat. And some of their attempts to go after misinformation online were stymied in court and they also are struggling with not wanting to elevate it by debunking it — that that age-old tension of, is it better to just ignore it or is it better to combat it directly? A lot of this is also tying into RFK Jr.’s presidential bid and how much to acknowledge that or not. But the impact is that they’re not really taking this on, even as it’s getting worse and worse in the country.

Rovner: And I got a bunch of emails this week about the anti-vax movement spreading to pets — that people are now resisting getting their dogs and cats vaccinated. Seriously. I mean, it is a serious problem. Obviously, if people stop getting rabies vaccines, that could be a big deal. So something else to watch. All right. Well, I already did my extra credit. So that is it for this week. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review; that helps other people find us, too. Special thanks as always to our indefatigable engineer, Francis Ying. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can tweet me; I’m still @jrovner on X and on Bluesky. Tami?

Luhby: You can tweet me at @Luhby. I sometimes check it still.

Rovner: Rachel.

Cohrs: I’m on X @rachelcohrs.

Rovner: Alice.

Ollstein: I’m @AliceOllstein.

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Emmarie Huetteman
Editor

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The Host

Emmarie Huetteman
KFF Health News

Emmarie Huetteman, associate Washington editor, previously spent more than a decade reporting on the federal government, most recently covering surprise medical bills, drug pricing reform, and other health policy debates in Washington and on the campaign trail.

The annual U.S. Census Bureau report this week revealed a drop in the uninsured rate last year as more working-age people obtained employer coverage. However, this year’s end of pandemic-era protections — which allowed many people to stay on Medicaid — is likely to have changed that picture quite a bit since. Meanwhile, reports show even many of those with insurance continue to struggle to afford their health care costs, and some providers are encouraging patients to take out loans that tack interest onto their medical debt.

Also, a mystery is unfolding in the federal budget: Why has recent Medicare spending per beneficiary leveled off? And the CDC recommends anyone who isat least 6 months old get the new covid booster.

This week’s panelists are Emmarie Huetteman of KFF Health News, Margot Sanger-Katz of The New York Times, Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet, and Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico.

Panelists

Sarah Karlin-Smith
Pink Sheet

@SarahKarlin

Read Sarah's stories

Joanne Kenen
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico

@JoanneKenen

Read Joanne's stories

Margot Sanger-Katz
The New York Times

@sangerkatz

Read Margot's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• The Census Bureau reported this week that the uninsured rate dropped to 10.8% in 2022, down from 11.6% in 2021, driven largely by a rise in employer-sponsored coverage. Since then, pandemic-era coverage protections have lapsed, though it remains to be seen exactly how many people could lose Medicaid coverage and stay uninsured.
• A concerning number of people who have insurance nonetheless struggle to afford their out-of-pocket costs. Medical debt is a common, escalating problem, exacerbated now as hospitals and other providers direct patients toward bank loans, credit cards, and other options that also saddle them with interest.
• Some state officials are worried that people who lose their Medicaid coverage could choose short-term health insurance plans with limited benefits — so-called junk plans — and find themselves owing more than they’d expect for future care.
• Meanwhile, a mystery is unfolding in the federal budget: After decades of warnings about runaway government spending, why has spending per Medicare beneficiary defied predictions and leveled off? At the same time, private insurance costs are increasing, with employer-sponsored plans expecting their largest increase in more than a decade.
• And the push for people to get the new covid booster is seeking to enshrine it in Americans’ annual preventive care regimen.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Emmarie Huetteman: KFF Health News’ “The Shrinking Number of Primary Care Physicians Is Reaching a Tipping Point,” by Elisabeth Rosenthal.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: MedPage Today’s “Rural Hospital Turns to GoFundMe to Stay Afloat,” by Kristina Fiore.

Joanne Kenen: ProPublica’s “How Columbia Ignored Women, Undermined Prosecutors and Protected a Predator for More Than 20 Years,” by Bianca Fortis and Laura Beil.

Margot Sanger-Katz: Congressional Budget Office’s “Raising the Excise Tax on Cigarettes: Effects on Health and the Federal Budget.”

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

• U.S. Census Bureau’s “Health Insurance Coverage of U.S. Workers Increased in 2022,” by Rachel Lindstrom, Katherine Keisler-Starkey, and Lisa Bunch.
• The Commonwealth Fund’s “Can Older Adults with Employer Coverage Afford Their Health Care?” by Lauren A. Haynes and Sara R. Collins.
• KFF Health News’ “What One Lending Company’s Hospital Contracts Reveal About Financing Patient Debt,” by Noam N. Levey.
• The New York Times’ “A Huge Threat to the U.S. Budget Has Receded. And No One Is Sure Why,” by Margot Sanger-Katz, Alicia Parlapiano, and Josh Katz.
• The Wall Street Journal’s “Health-Insurance Costs Are Taking Biggest Jumps in Years,” by Anna Wilde Mathews.
• The New York Times’ “The N.Y.C. Neighborhood That’s Getting Even Thinner on Ozempic,” by Joseph Goldstein.

click to open the transcript

Transcript: Underinsured Is the New Uninsured

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’

Episode Title: Underinsured Is the New Uninsured

Episode Number: 314

Published: Sept. 14, 2023

[Editor’s note: This transcript, generated using transcription software, has been edited for style and clarity.]

Emmarie Huetteman: Hello and welcome back to “What the Health?” I’m Emmarie Huetteman, a Washington editor for KFF Health News. I’m filling in for Julie [Rovner] this week, who’s on vacation. And I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Sept. 14, at 11 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So, here we go. We’re joined today by video conference by Margot Sanger-Katz of The New York Times.

Margot Sanger-Katz: Good morning, everybody.

Huetteman: Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: Hi there.

Huetteman: And Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico.

Joanne Kenen: Hi, everybody.

Huetteman: No interview this week, so let’s get right to the news. The percentage of working-age adults with health insurance went up last year, according to the annual Census report out this week. As a result, the uninsured rate dropped to 10.8% in 2022. But lower uninsured rates may be obscuring another problem: the number of people who are underinsured and facing high out-of-pocket costs. The Commonwealth Fund released a report last month on how difficult it is for many older adults with employer coverage to afford care. And recent reporting here at KFF Health News has probed how medical providers are steering patients toward bank loans and credit cards that saddled them with interest on top of their medical debt. So, the number of people without insurance is dropping. But that doesn’t mean that health care is becoming more affordable. So what does it mean to be underinsured? Are the policy conversations that focus on the uninsured rate missing the mark?

Sanger-Katz: So, two things I would say. One is that I even think that the Census report on what’s happening with the uninsured is obscuring a different issue, which is that there’s been this artificial increase in the number of people who are enrolled in Medicaid as a result of this pandemic policy. So the Congress said to the states, if you want to get extra money for your Medicaid program through the public health emergency, then you can’t kick anyone out of Medicaid regardless of whether they are no longer eligible for the program. And that provision expired this spring. And so this is one of the big stories in health policy that’s happening this year. States are trying to figure out how to reevaluate all of these people who have been in their Medicaid program for all these years and determine who’s eligible and who’s not eligible. And there’s been quite a lot of very good reporting on what’s going on. And I think there’s a combination of people who are losing their Medicaid coverage because they really genuinely are no longer eligible for Medicaid. And there also appears to be quite a large number of people who are losing their Medicaid coverage for administrative hiccup reasons — because there’s some paperwork error, or because they moved and they didn’t get a letter, or some other glitch in the system. And so when I looked at these numbers on the uninsured rate, in some ways what it told us is we gave a whole bunch of people insurance through these public programs during the pandemic and that depressed the uninsured rate. But we know right now that millions of people have lost insurance, even in the last few months, with more to come later this year. And so I’m very interested in the next installment of the Census report when we get back to more or less a normal Medicaid system, how many people will be without insurance. So that’s just one thing. And then just to get to your question, I think having insurance does not always mean that you can actually afford to pay for the health care that you need. We’ve seen over the last few decades a shift towards higher-deductible health care plans where people have to pay more money out-of-pocket before their insurance kicks in. We’ve also seen other kinds of cost sharing increase, where people have to pay higher copayments or a percentage of the cost of their care. And we’ve also seen, particularly in the Obamacare exchanges, but also in the employer market, that there’s a lot of insurance that doesn’t include any kind of out-of-network benefit. So it means, you know, if you can go to a provider who is covered by your insurance, your insurance will pay for it. But if you can’t find someone who’s covered by your insurance, you could still get hit with a big bill. The sort of surprise bills of old are banned. But, you know, the doctor can tell you in advance, and you can go and get all these medical services and then end up with some big bills. So whether or not just having an insurance card is really enough to ensure that people have access to health care remains an open question. And I think we have seen a lot of evidence over recent years that even people with insurance encounter a lot of financial difficulties when they get sick and often incur quite a lot of debt despite having insurance that protects them from the unlimited costs that they might face if they were uninsured.

Huetteman: Joanne.

Kenen: I would say two big things. The uninsurance rate, which we all think is going to go up because of this Medicaid unwinding, it’s worth stopping and thinking about. It’s what? 7.9[%]? Was that the number?

Huetteman: It was 10.8, was the uninsured rate last year.

Sanger-Katz: It depends if you look at any time of the year or all of the year.

Kenen: Back when the ACA [Affordable Care Act] was passed, it was closer to something like 18. So in terms of really changing the magnitude of the uninsurance problem in America, the work isn’t done. But this is a really significant change. Secondly, some aspects of care are better — or within reach because the ACA made so many preventive and primary care services free. That, too, is a gain. Obviously, through the medical debt, which KFF [Health News] now has done a great job — oh, and believe me, and other reporters, you’ve done an amazing job, story after story. You know, the “Bill of the Month” series that you edited, it’s … but they’re not isolated cases. It’s not like, oh, this person ran into this, you know, cost buzz saw. There’s insane pricing issues! And out-of-pocket and, you know, deductibles and extras, and incredibly hard to sort out even if you are a sophisticated, insured consumer of health care. Pricing is a mess. There have been changes to the health care market, in terms of consolidation of ownership, more private equity, bigger entities that just have created … added a new dimension to this problem. So have we made gains? We’ve made really important gains. Under the original ACA passed under the Obama administration and the changes, the access and generosity of subsidy changes that the Biden administration has made, even though they’re time-limited, they have to be renewed. But, you know, are people still being completely hit over the head and every other body part by really expensive costs? Yes. That is still a heartbreaking and really serious problem. I mean, I can just give one tiny incident where somebody … I needed a routine imaging thing in network. The doctor in that hospital wasn’t reachable. I had my primary care person send in the order because she’s not part of that health care system. She’s in network. The imaging center is in network. The doctor who told me I needed this test is in network. But because the actual order came from somebody not in their hospital and in … on the Maryland side of the line, instead of the D.C. side of the line, the hospital imaging center decided it was going to be out of network. And because she’s not ours and wanted to charge me an insane amount of money. I sorted it out. But it took me an insane amount of time and I shouldn’t have needed to do that.

Huetteman: Yeah, that’s absolutely true.

Kenen: I could have paid it, if I had to.

Huetteman: Absolutely. And as you noted, I do edit the “Bill of the Month” series. And we see that with all kinds of patients, even the most enterprising patients can’t get an answer to simple questions like, is this in network or out of network? Why did I get this bill? And it’s asking way too much of most people to try and fit that into the rest of the things that they do every day. You know, Margot brought up the Medicaid unwinding. Well, let’s speaking of insurance, let’s catch up there for a moment because there was a little news this week. We’re keeping an eye on those efforts to strip ineligible beneficiaries from state Medicaid rolls since the covid-19 public health emergency ended. Now, some state officials are worried that people who lose coverage could opt to replace it with short-term insurance plans. You might know them as “junk plans.” They often come with lower price tags, but these short-term plans do not have to follow the Affordable Care Act’s rules about what to cover. And people in the plans have found themselves owing for care they thought would be covered. The Trump administration expanded these plans, but this summer the Biden administration proposed limiting them once more. Remind us: What changes has Biden proposed for so-called junk plans and for people who lose their coverage during the Medicaid unwinding? What other options are available to them?

Sanger-Katz: So the Biden administration’s proposal was to basically return these short-term plans to actual short-term coverage, which is what they were designed to do. Part of what the Trump administration did is they kept this category of short-term plans. But then they said basically, well, you can just keep them for several years. And so they really became a more affordable but less comprehensive substitute for ACA-compliant insurance. So the Biden administration just wants to kind of squish ’em back down and say, OK, you can have them for like a couple of months, but you can’t keep them forever. I will say that a lot of people who are losing their Medicaid coverage as a result of the unwinding are probably pretty low on the income scale, just as a result of them having qualified for Medicaid in the first place. And so a very large share of them are eligible for free or close-to-free health plans on the Obamacare exchanges. Those enhanced subsidies that Joanne mentioned, they’re temporary, but they’re there for a few years. They really make a big difference for exactly this population that’s losing Medicaid coverage. If you’re just over the poverty line, you can often get a free plan that’s a — this is very technical, but — it’s a silver plan with these cost-sharing wraparound benefits. And so you end up with a plan where you really don’t have to pay very much at the point of care. You don’t have to pay anything in a premium. So I think, in general, that is the most obvious answer for most of these people who are losing their Medicaid. But I think it is a challenge to navigate that system, for states to help steer people towards these other options, and for them to get enrolled in a timely way. Because, of course, Obamacare markets are not open all the time. They’re open during an open enrollment period or for a short period after you lose another type of coverage.

Huetteman: Absolutely. And a lot of these states actually have efforts that are normally focused on open enrollment right now. And some officials say that they are redirecting those efforts toward helping these folks who are losing their Medicaid coverage to find the options, like those exchange plans that are available for zero-dollar premiums or low premiums under the subsidies available.

Kenen: I have seen some online ads from HHS [the Department of Health and Human Services], saying, you know, “Did you lose your Medicaid?” and it’s state-specific — “Did you lose your Medicaid in Virginia?” I don’t live in Virginia, so I’m not sure why I’m getting it. My phone is telling me the Virginia one. But there is an HHS [ad], and it is saying if you lost your Medicaid, go to healthcare.gov, we can help. You know, we may be able to help you. So they are outreaching, although I’m afraid that somebody who actually lost it in Virginia might be getting an ad about Nebraska or whatever. I live close to Virginia. It’s close enough. But there is some effort to reach people in a plain English, accessible pop-up on your phone, or your web browser, kind of way. So I have seen that over the last few weeks because the special enrollment period, I mean, most people who are no longer eligible for Medicaid are eligible for something, and something other than a junk plan. Some of them have insurance at work now because the job market is better than it was in 2020, obviously. Many people will be eligible for these highly subsidized plans that Margot just talked about. Very few people should be left out in the cold, but there’s a lot of work to be done to make those connections.

Huetteman: Absolutely. Absolutely. And going back to the Census report for a second, it had noted that a big part of the increase in coverage came from employer-sponsored coverage among working-age adults, although we have, of course, seen those reports that say … and then they try to afford their health care costs. And it’s really difficult for a lot of them, even when they have that insurance, as we talked about. All right. So let’s move on. The New York Times is reporting a mystery unfolding in the federal budget. And I’d like to call it “The Case of Flat Medicare Spending.” After decades of warnings about runaway government spending, a recent Times analysis shows that spending per Medicare beneficiary has actually leveled off over more than a decade. Meanwhile, The Wall Street Journal reports that private health insurance costs are climbing. Next year, employer-sponsored plans could see their biggest cost increase in more than a decade, and that trend could continue. So what’s going on with insurance costs? Let’s start with Medicare. Margot, you were the lead reporter on the Times analysis. What explains this Medicare spending slowdown?

Sanger-Katz: So part of the reason why I have found it to be a somewhat enjoyable story is that I think there is a bit of a mystery. I talked to lots of people who have studied and written about this phenomenon over the years, and I think there was no one I talked to who said “I 100% understand what is going on here. And I can tell you, here’s the thing.” But there are a bunch of factors that I think a lot of people think are contributing, and I’ll just run through them quickly. One of them is Medicare is getting a little younger. The baby boomers are retiring generally, like, 65-year-olds are a little cheaper to take care of than 85-year-olds. So as the age mix gets younger, we’ve seen the average cost of taking care of someone in Medicare get a little smaller. That’s like the easiest one. I think another one is that Obamacare and other legislative changes that Congress has passed during this period have just mechanically reduced the amount of money that Medicare is spending. So the two most obvious ways are, in the Affordable Care Act, Congress took money away from Medicare Advantage plans, paid them a smaller premium for taking care of patients, and they also reduced the amount that hospitals get every year, as what’s called a productivity adjustment. So hospitals get a little raise on their pay rates every year. And the legislation tamped that down. There was also, some listeners may remember, the budget sequester that happened in 2011, 2012, where there was kind of a haircut that Medicare had to take across the board. So there have been these kind of legislative changes. They explain like a little bit of what is going on. And now I think the rest of it really has to do with the health care system itself. And part of that seems to be that this has been a period of relatively limited technological improvement. So, you know, for years medicine just kept getting better and better. We had these miracle cures, we had these amazing surgeries. We, you know, especially like in the area of cardiovascular disease, just enormous advances in recent decades where, you know, first bypass surgery and then stents and then, you know, drugs that could prevent heart attacks. And so I think, you know, health care spending kept climbing and climbing in part because there was better stuff to spend it on. It was expensive, but it really improved people’s health. And in recent years, there’s just been a little less of that. There have clearly been medical advances, particularly in the pharmaceutical space. You know, we have better treatments for cancer, for certain types of cancers, than we had before and for other important diseases. But these expensive innovations tend to affect smaller percentages of people. We haven’t had a lot of really big blockbusters that everyone in Medicare is taking. And so that seems to explain some of the slowdown. And then I think the last piece is, like, kind of the piece that’s the hardest to really explain or pin down, but it seems like there’s just something different that doctors and hospitals are doing. They’re getting more efficient. They’re not always buying the latest and greatest thing, if there’s not evidence to support it. They’re reducing their medical errors. And, you know, I think Obamacare probably gets a share of the credit here. It really created a lot of changes in the way we pay for medical care and in the Medicare program itself. And it created this innovation center that’s supposed to test out all of these different things. But I think also over the same period, we’ve seen the private sector make many of the same moves. You know, private insurers have gotten a little bit more stingy about covering new technologies without evidence. They’ve tended to pay physicians and hospitals in bundles, or paying them incentives for quality, not paying them for certain types of care that involve errors. And so a lot of people I talked to said that they think the medical system is reacting to all of the payers crunching down on them. And so they’re just not being quite as aggressive and they’re trying to think more about value, which I feel like is like kind of a lame buzzword that often doesn’t mean anything. But I think, you know, it’s a way of thinking about this change. And, you know, that’s the kind of thing, if culturally that endures, you know, could continue into the future. Whereas some of these other factors, like the demographics, the lack of technological development, those — the Obamacare, which was kind of a one-time legislative change, you know — those things may not continue into the future, which is why the fact that we’ve had 15 years of flat Medicare spending is no guarantee that Medicare spending won’t spike again in the future. And I think you were right to point to what’s happening in the private sector, because private sector insurance premiums also have been like a little bit on the flat side through this period. And I think there is potential for them to take off again.

Huetteman: Absolutely. And that’s what The Wall Street Journal’s reporting had just said, that the health care costs for coming into next year are climbing. Let’s talk about that for a minute. Why are private insurance costs rising as Medicare spending levels off? One of the things that I noticed is we talked about technological innovation. Pharmaceutical innovation seems to be one of the things that’s contributing to rising private health insurance costs and elsewhere, in particular, those weight-loss drugs I know.

Kenen: And the Alzheimer’s drugs.

Huetteman: And the Alzheimer’s drugs.

Kenen: Eventually they’ll become more widely available. Sarah knows way more than the rest of us.

Karlin-Smith: The Alzheimer’s drugs will probably be less of an issue for the private health insurance population. But certainly weight-loss drugs are something that private insurers are worried about what percentage of the population they will cover with these drugs. And I think insurance companies, they have to balance that … difficult balance between what percentage of the drug cost rate you put on patients and what do you build into premiums. And sometimes there’s only so much flexibility they can have there. So I think that’s a big reason for what you’re seeing here.

Huetteman: Yeah, absolutely.

Sanger-Katz: I think the weight-loss drugs are interesting because they kind of are, potentially, an example of the kind of technology that is both expensive and good for public health, right? So, you know, when we have all these improvements in cardiac disease, like, that was great. People didn’t have heart attacks. They didn’t have disability in old age. They lived longer lives. That was great. But it cost a ton of money. And I think because we have been going through this period in which costs have been kind of level, and there hasn’t been a lot of expensive breakthrough technology, we haven’t had to weigh those things against each other in the way that we might now, where we might have to say, OK, well, like, this is really expensive, but also, like, it has a lot of benefits. and how do we decide what the right cost benefit is as a society, as an employer, as a public insurance program? And I think we’re going to see a lot of payers and economists and other analysts really thinking hard about these trade-offs in a way that they, I think, haven’t really been forced to do very much in the last few years with … I mean, maybe with the possible exception of those breakthrough therapies for hepatitis C —also expensive, huge public health benefit. And it was a struggle for our system to figure out what to do with them.

Kenen: But, like the statins, which, you know, revolutionized heart health, these drugs that are useful for both diabetes and … weight loss, the demand of people who just want them because they want to lose those 20 pounds, insurers are not — Medicare at least is not — covering it. Insurers have some rules about “Are you pre-diabetic?” and etc., etc., but they cost a lot of money and a lot of people want to take them. So I think they’re clearly great for diabetes. They clearly are a whole new class of drugs that are going to do good things. We still don’t. … There’s still questions about who should be using them for the rest of their lives, for weight control, etc., etc. Yes, there are going to be benefits, but this era of … what is the typical cost per month, Sarah?

Karlin-Smith: The list price of these drugs are thousands of dollars per month. But I think to your point, Joanne, though, the trouble for insurance companies who are figuring out how to cover this is they’re starting to get more research that there are these actual health benefits outside of just weight loss. And once you start to say, you know, that these drugs help prevent heart attacks and have hard evidence of that, it becomes harder for them to deny coverage. I think to Margot’s point of the long-term benefits, you might see to health because of it, we get back to another issue in the U.S. health system is, which is these private health insurance companies might essentially basically be footing the bill for benefits that Medicare is going to reap, not necessarily the insurance companies, right? So if somebody, you know, doesn’t have a heart attack at 50 because they’re on these drugs, that’s great. But if the savings is actually going to Medicare down the line, you know, the private health insurer doesn’t see the benefit of that. And that’s where some of the tensions you get into it in terms of, like, how we cover these products and who we give them to.

Kenen: Because that trade-off: quality of life and longevity of life. That’s what health is about, right? I mean, is having people live healthy, good lives, and it costs money. But there’s this issue of the drug prices have gotten very high, and hepatitis C is a perfect example. I mean, now it’s like we were freaked out about $84,000 in, you know, 2013, 2015, whenever that came out. You know, now that looks quaint. But that price was still so high that we didn’t get it to people. We could have wiped out hepatitis C or come damn close to wiping out hepatitis C, but the price the drug was an obstacle. So we’re still, I mean, there’s a big White House initiative now, you know, there’s creative … the Louisiana model of, you know, what they call the Netflix model where, you know, you have a contract to buy a whole ton of it for less per unit. I mean, these are still questions. Yes. I mean, we all know that certain drugs make a big difference. But if they’re priced at a point where people who need them the most can’t get them, then you’re not seeing what they’re really invented for.

Sanger-Katz: Oh, I was just going to say, I think that part of what interests me about this particular class of drugs and the debates that we are likely to have about them, and there are, you know, the way that they’re going to be adopted into our health care system is that setting aside the diabetes indication for a moment, the idea of drugs that effectively treat obesity, I think obesity is a very stigmatized disease in our country. And in fact, Medicare has statutory language that says that Medicare cannot cover drugs for weight loss. So it would actually require an act of Congress for these drugs to be approved for that purpose in Medicare. And in Medicaid, in general, states are required to cover FDA-approved drugs. You know, they can put some limitations, but they’re supposed to cover them. Again, there is a special statutory exclusion for weight-loss drugs where the states really have discretion they don’t have for a cancer drug, for a drug for diabetes, a drug for other common diseases. And so I do think that, you know, a lot of this debate is colored by people’s prejudices against people who have obesity, and the way that our medical care system has thought about them and the treatment for their disease over time. And I’m curious about that aspect of it as well. I mean, of course, I think that Joanne is absolutely right that we do not know long term how these drugs are going to help people with obesity, whether it’s really going to reduce the burden of disease down the road for them, whether it’s going to have other health consequences in an enduring way. You know, I think there are unknowns, but I think if you take the most optimistic possible look at these drugs, that there’s quite a lot of evidence that they really do improve people’s health. And if we treat these drugs differently than we would an expensive drug for an infectious disease like hepatitis C or different from an expensive drug for cancer diseases that are less stigmatized, I think that would maybe be a little bit sad.

Karlin-Smith: I mean certainly the reason why the initial restrictions in Medicare and other programs are baked in goes back to stigma to some degree. But also, I mean … because they were thinking of these as weight-loss drugs and sort of vanity treatments people would only be using for vanity. And at that time, the drugs that were available did not work quite as well and had a lot of dangers and certainly did not show any of these other health benefits that we’re starting to see with this new class of medicine. So I think that would be the hope that, you know, as the science and the products shift, as well as our medical understanding around what causes obesity, what doesn’t cause obesity, how much of it is … right, again, just as medical as any other condition and not all about a person’s behavior. And I think we will see that the benefits of some of these drugs for certain people, in particular, are probably a lot bigger than maybe the benefits of certain cancer treatments that we pay a lot more money for. The challenge is going to be the amount of people and the amount of time they are going to be on these drugs, right? You know, if you’re talking about these hepatitis C drugs, I think one reason they didn’t shock the budgets in the way people were expecting, besides the fact that, unfortunately, we didn’t get them to everybody, is they’re actually really short-term cures, right? I think it’s like 10 weeks or something.

Kenen: Some are like eight.

Karlin-Smith: Right. Ballpark. And with the obesity drugs, what we know … these new drugs so far is that you seem like you have to consistently take them. Once you get off them, the weight comes back. And then the assumption would be you lose all those health benefits. So we’re talking about a high-cost drug on a chronic basis that our system can’t afford.

Kenen: Margot, do you know? I mean, my guess is that the ban on covering weight-loss drugs was written into MMA [the Medicare Modernization Act] in 2003. That’s my guess. I don’t know if anyone …

Sanger-Katz: That’s right. Yeah. It was part of the creation of the drug benefit program.

Kenen: So I think that you’re totally right that it’s what both of you said. You know, we tended to say it was someone’s fault, like they didn’t have enough willpower. Or they, you know, didn’t do what they were supposed to do. And there was stigma and we thought about it diffrently. I also think the science, you know, Sarah alluded to this, I think the science of obesity has really changed, that we didn’t talk about it — even though obesity experts — really didn’t talk about it as a disease a generation ago. We thought of it as maybe as a risk factor, but we didn’t think of it as a disease in and of itself. And we now do know that. So I think that the coverage issues are going to change. But what are the criteria? How fast do they change, for who do they change? Do you really want to put somebody on a drug because they want to lose 10 or 15 punds, which is … versus someone who really has struggled with weight and has physical risk factors because of it, including, you know, heart disease, diabetes, all these other things we know about. I mean, I just think we don’t know. I mean, there was a piece in the Times about the Upper East Side of Manhattan is like this beehive of people taking these weight loss drugs because they can afford it, but they’re also thinner than the rest of the population. So it becomes, you know, a luxury good or another disparity.

Sanger-Katz: If insurance won’t cover these drugs ,of course, rich people are going to take them more than people of limited means. Right? Like, I think you can only really test the hypothesis of, like, who are these drugs meant to reach once … if you have coverage for them, right? I thought that story was very good, and it did reveal something that’s happening. But I also thought … it felt like it was focusing on the idea that that rich people were taking these drugs just for vanity. And I think …

Kenen: Some of them, not all clearly some of them.

Sanger-Katz: Some of them are, of course. But I thought the thing that was less explored in that story is all of the people in poor neighborhoods of New York who were not accessing those drugs. Was it because they couldn’t find any way to get them?

Kenen: Right, and some of them were pre-diabetic. Some of them. I mean, the other thing is people who are overweight are often pre-diabetic. And that is an indication. I mean, you can … it’s in flux. It’s going to change over the coming months, you know, but what a cost and how those benefits paid off and who’s going to end up paying and where the cost shifting is going to come, because there is always cost shifting. We just don’t know yet. But these drugs are here to stay. And there are questions. There are a lot of questions. The mounting evidence is that they are going to be a benefit. It’s just, you know, what do we pay for them? Who gets them? How long do the people stay on them, etc., etc., etc.

Sanger-Katz: And just to come back to Emmarie’s first question, like, what is this going to mean for our insurance premiums, right? With something like 40% of adults in the United States have obesity. If we start to see more and more people taking these drugs to treat this disease, all of us are going to have to pay for that in some way. And, you know, that affects overall health care.

Huetteman: Absolutely. Well, let’s move to the week’s big covid news now. This week, the FDA approved a new booster, which comes amid an uptick in cases and concerns about a surge this fall and winter. Before the CDC made its recommendations, though, there was debate over whether the booster should be recommended only for a couple of higher-risk groups. So who does the CDC say should get the shot? And what’s the response been like from the health care community so far?

Karlin-Smith: So the CDC decided their advisers and the CDC themselves to recommend the shot for everybody. That really didn’t surprise me because I think that was the direction FDA wanted to go as well. I think the majority came down to the fact that a broad recommendation would be the best for health equity and actually ensuring the people we really want to get the shots get them. If you start siphoning off the population and so forth, it actually might prevent people that really should get the shots from getting it. I think the booster debate has actually been really similar since we started approving covid boosters, which is that the companies that provided for the boosters is not the same as the original data they presented to get the vaccines approved. So we don’t have as much understanding with the type of rigorous research some people would like to know: OK, what is the added benefit you’re getting from these boosters? We know they provide some added benefit of protection for infection, but that’s very short-lived. And then I think there’s … people have differences of opinions of how much added protection it’s giving you from severe disease and death. And so there are factions who argue, and I think Paul Offit has become one of the most known and vocal cheerleaders of this mindset, which is that, well, actually, if you’ve already had, you know, two, three, four shots, you’ve already had covid, you’re probably really well protected against the worst outcomes. And these shots are not really going to do that much to protect you from an infection. “So why take them anymore?” — essentially, is sort of his mindset. And there are people that disagree. I think the thing that probably might help change mindsets is, at least in this country, probably not going to happen, which is, you know, more rigorous outcomes research here. But I think the sentiment of the CDC and its advice has been, well, these shots are extremely low risk and there’s at least some added benefit. So for most people, the risk-benefit balance is: Get it. And if you make it kind of simple, if you say, OK, you know, everybody, it’s time to get your next covid booster, the feeling is that will get the most people in the U.S. to go out and do it. Unfortunately, most covid booster recommendations have been fairly broad — the last, at least, and that hasn’t translated. But we’ll see. This is actually the first time that everyone, except for babies under 6 months — because you can’t start your covid vaccination until then —everybody is really included in the booster recommendation at the same time. In previous rounds, particularly for younger kids, it was more staggered. So this will be the simplest recommendation we have yet.

Kenen: And that’s part of the public health strategy, is to not talk about it so much as boosters, just as an annual shot. The way you get an annual flu shot. I mean, most people don’t get them. But the idea is that to normalize this, you know, you get an annual flu shot, you get an annual covid shot, for certain age groups you get annual RSV now that’ll be available. But that’s not for everybody. I mean, I think they really want to make this simple. OK, it’s fall, get your covid shot. We don’t think uptake is going to be real high. It hasn’t been for boosters. But in terms of trying to change, this is just, you know, this is one of those things to add to your to-do list this year and to, sort of, less “pandemicize” it. I don’t think that’s a word. But, you know, everyone will forgive me. And more just, you know, OK, you know, this is one of the things you got to do in the fall. Maybe “pandemicize” is a word or maybe it should be.

Sanger-Katz: I like it. Maybe we should use it.

Huetteman: Pandemicize your care.

Kenen: Right. You know, it’s part of your preventive care and just … I mean, good luck trying to de-politicize it. But that’s part of it. I mean, the CDC director, Mandy Cohen, she wrote an op-ed this week and it was all about, you know, I’m a doctor, I’m the CDC director, and I’m a mom. And, you know, my family is going to get it. You know, Ashish Jha was tweeting about how he’s going to get it, his elderly parents are going to get theirs as soon as possible, etc., etc. So it’s not going to be … the hard-core people who really don’t want these shots and haven’t taken the shots and believe the shots cause more harm than good, etc. It won’t change a lot of their minds. But there are a lot of people who are uncertain in the middle and their minds can be changed. And they have … they were changed in the initial round of shots. So that’s who the messaging is … it’s sort of a reminder to people who take the shots and an invitation to those who … haven’t been getting boosted that just start doing this every year.

Karlin-Smith: And it is important to emphasize when the boosters have been tweaked and, you know, updated to try to match as close as they possibly can the current version of the virus. The virus has evolved and shifted a lot over time to the point where even these boosters, you know, they can’t quite keep up with the virus. But the idea is that we’re helping broaden everybody’s protection by keeping it as up to date with the science. So I think that’s an important element of that, that people don’t appreciate. They’re not just giving you the exact same shot over and over again. They’re trying to, like we do with the flu vaccine every year, be as close to what is circulating as possible.

Kenen: And there’s a new, new, new, new variant that looked very — do I have enough “news” in there? — that looked, and I don’t remember the initials; I can’t keep track — that is really quite different than the other ones. And there was a lot of initial concern that this vaccine would not work or that we wouldn’t … that our protection would not work against that. The follow-up research is much more reassuring that the fall shot will work against that. But that one really is different, and it’s got a lot of mutations. And, you know, we don’t know yet how … some of these things come and go pretty quickly. I mean, who remembers Mu? That one people were very worried about and it seemed quite dangerous and luckily it didn’t take root. You know, people don’t even know there was a Greek letter called Mu. M-u, not m-o-o, in case anyone’s wondering. If relatives ask me if they should take it, the two things that struck me in reading about it are, yes, it works against this new variant, and we’re not really sure what are the new, new, new, new, new, new, new, new ones. And also, I mean, there’s some research that it does protect against long covid. And I think that’s a big selling point for people. I think there are people who still, with reason, worry about long covid, and that vaccination does provide some protection against that as well.

Huetteman: That’s a great point. I mean, anecdotally, you talk to your friends who’ve had covid, there’s going to be at least a few of them who say they haven’t quite felt like themselves ever since they had covid. And I think that is one of the things that really motivates people who aren’t in those higher-risk categories, to think about whether they need the booster or not.

Kenen: Yeah, and also the myocarditis … Sarah, correct …  you follow this more closely than I do, so correct me if I’m wrong here, but I believe that they’re finding that the myocarditis risk in the newer formulations of the vaccine has dropped, that it is not as much of a concern for young men. And covid itself can cause myocarditis in some individuals. Did I get that right?

Karlin-Smith: Yeah, I think that that’s right. The general sense has been that the risk was more with the initial shots, and it seems to have gone down. I think that there are people that still worry about particular age groups of, like, young men in certain age groups, that maybe for them the benefit-risk balance with the myocarditis risk is, you know, might be a little bit different. And that’s where a lot of the pushback comes through. But right, like you said, there is a fairly high … there’s myocarditis risk from covid itself that needs to be balanced.

Huetteman: Well, OK. That’s this week’s news. Now we’ll take a quick break and then we’ll come back with extra credits.

Julie Rovner: Hey, “What the Health?” listeners, you already know that few things in health care are ever simple. So, if you like our show, I recommend you also listen to “Tradeoffs,” a podcast that goes even deeper into our costly, complicated, and often counterintuitive health care system. Hosted by longtime health care journalist and friend Dan Gorenstein, “Tradeoffs” digs into the evidence and research data behind health care policies and tells the stories of real people impacted by decisions made in C-suites, doctors’ offices, and even Congress. Subscribe wherever you listen to your podcasts.

Huetteman: OK, we’re back. And it’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week that we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it; we’ll post the links on the podcast page at kffhealthnews.org and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Sarah, why don’t you go first?

Karlin-Smith: Sure. So I looked at a MedPage Today page by Kristina Fiore that talks about a GoFundMe campaign that was started by a small rural hospital in Pennsylvania. They’re trying to raise $1.5 million to basically keep the hospital open. It’s the only hospital in the county. It’s a small critical-access hospital. And I think people who follow health care and health policy in the U.S. are probably used to seeing GoFundMe campaigns for individual health care, as we talked about earlier in the episode, right? The unaffordability that can happen even for people with good insurance if you … depending on your medical situation. But this situation, I thought, was really unique, a whole hospital, which is, I guess, community-owned, and they’re essentially turning to the internet to try and stay open. And it touches on some of the payment differences in how rural hospitals make their money, or the payment rates they get reimbursed versus more urban hospitals. Other issues it brings up is just, you know, how do you keep an institution open that’s serving a relatively small population of people? So, you don’t necessarily want to have people going to the hospital, but they’re basically arguing that if we don’t get this amount of people in our ER per day, we can’t stay open. But then that means you don’t have an ER for anybody. And I think it’s just worth looking at, looking at the facts they put on their GoFundMe page, just thinking about, you know, what this says about various policies in the U.S. health system. And, unfortunately for them right now, they’re well short of their $1.5 billion goal.

Huetteman: Yeah, it’s amazing to see this get translated into an institution-saving effort as opposed to an individual-saving effort. Joanne, you want to go next?

Kenen: Sure. This is a story that it was by Bianca Fortis from ProPublica, Laura Biel, who wrote this for ProPublica and New York Magazine, and also Laura, who’s a friend of mine, also has a fabulous podcast called “Exposed.” And in this case, I want to mention the photographer, too, because if you click on this, it’s quite extraordinary visuals. Hannah Whitaker from New York Magazine. And the title is “How Columbia …” — and this is the university, not the country — “How Columbia Ignored Women, Undermined Prosecutors and Protected a Predator for More Than 20 Years.” This is an OB-GYN who was abusing his patients, and it’s hundreds, hundreds that have been identified and known. We knew about him because some of the patients had come forward, including Evelyn Wang, who was Andrew Wang — is Andrew Wang’s wife, the presidential candidate last cycle. But we didn’t know this. You know, first of all, it’s even bigger than we knew three years ago, and he has been prosecuted — finally. But it took 20 years. And this is really more of a story about how the medical system, the health care system, had warning after warning after warning after warning, and they didn’t do anything. And also, many of the people who tried to give the warnings, some of the employees, including the medical assistants, and the nurses, and the receptionists, knew what was going on. And they thought that they, as lower-level women going up against a white male doctor, wouldn’t be believed. And they didn’t even try. They just felt like he’s the guy, he’s the doctor. I’m the, you know, I’m the nurse. They won’t listen to me. So that was another subtheme that came out to me. I had known vaguely about this. It’s really long, and I read every word. It’s a really horrifying saga of an abdication of responsibility to women who were really harmed. Vulnerable women who were really harmed.

Huetteman: Yeah, it’s a really troubling story, but it’s an important piece of journalism. And I advise that people give it a little time. Margot, would you like to go next?

Sanger-Katz: Yeah. So this is a very nerdy, deep cut. I wanted to talk about a CBO [Congressional Budget Office] report from 2012 called “Raising the Excise Tax on Cigarettes: Effects on Health and the Federal Budget.” So when I published this article about how Medicare spending has sort of flattened out, we got so many reader comments and emails and tweets and several people asked, “Could it be that the decline in smoking has led to lower costs for Medicare?” And that caused me to do some reporting and to read this paper. And I think the finding, the sort of counterintuitive finding that I will tell you about in a minute, from the CBO really speaks to some of the discussion that we were having earlier about these obesity drugs, which is that there are many beneficial preventive therapies in health care that are great for people’s health. They make them healthier, they have happier lives, they live longer, they have less burden of disease, but they are not cost-effective in the sense that they reduce our total spending on health care. And the simplest way to think about this is that if everyone in America just died at age 65, Medicare’s budget would look amazing. You know, it would be great. We would save so much money if we could just kill everyone at age 65. But that’s not what the goal of Medicare is. It’s not to save the maximum amount of money. It’s to get a good value, to improve people’s life and health as much as possible for a good value. And so this report was looking at what would happen if we had a really effective policy to reduce smoking in the United States. They looked at a tax that they estimated would reduce the smoking rate by a further 5 percentage points. And what they found is that it would cost the government more money, that people would be healthier, they would live longer lives, more of them would spend more years in Medicare, and they would end up having some other health problem that was expensive that they weren’t going to have before. And also they would collect a lot of Social Security payments because they would live a lot longer. And so I found it so stunning because the economics of it, I think, make a lot of sense. And when you think about it, it’s true. But it does go to show how, I think, that sometimes when we, and when politicians, talk about preventive health care, they always talk about it like it’s a win-win. You know, this is going to be great for people and it’s going to save money. And I think that in health care, many times things that are good and beneficial improve health and they cost money and we have to decide if it’s worth it.

Huetteman: Absolutely. That’s great. Thank you. My extra credit this week comes from KFF Health News. Dr. Elisabeth Rosenthal, our senior contributing editor, writes: “The Shrinking Number of Primary Care Physicians Is Reaching a Tipping Point.” And we’ve seen some great coverage lately on the disappearance of the primary care doctor in this country. And Dr. Rosenthal also offers some solutions to this yawning gap in our health care system. She reports that the percent of U.S. doctors that have moved into primary care is now at about 25%, which is much lower than in previous decades. And one point she makes, in particular, about a problem that’s leading to this is the payment structure that we have in our country favors surgeries and procedures, of course, not diagnostic tests, preventative care, when it comes to reimbursing doctors. And of course, this lack of primary care doctors has implications for our overall health, both individually and as a country. So I recommend that you give that article a little bit of your time this week.

All right. That’s our show for this week. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left a review; that helps other people find us, too. Special thanks, as always, to our amazing engineer, Francis Ying. And as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can tweet me. I’m @emmarieDC. Sarah?

Karlin-Smith: I’m @SarahKarlin.

Huetteman: Joanne?

Kenen: @JoanneKenen on Twitter, @joannekenen1 on Threads.

Huetteman: And Margot.

Sanger-Katz: @sangerkatz in all the places.

Huetteman: We’ll be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Terry Byrne
Copy chief

Gabe Brison-Trezise
Deputy copy chief

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).