El segundo embarazo de Tamara Etienne estuvo lleno de riesgos y preocupaciones desde el principio, exacerbado porque ya había sufrido un aborto espontáneo.

Como maestra de tercer grado en una escuela pública del condado de Miami-Dade, pasaba todo el día parada. Le pesaban las preocupaciones financieras, incluso teniendo seguro de salud y algo de licencia paga.

Y, como mujer negra, toda una vida de racismo la volvió desconfiada de las reacciones impredecibles en la vida diaria. Estaba agotada por el trato despectivo y desigual en el trabajo. Justamente el tipo de estrés que puede liberar cortisol, que, según estudios, aumenta el riesgo de parto prematuro.

“Lo experimento todo el tiempo, no camino sola, o lo hago con alguien a quien debo proteger. Sí, el nivel de cortisol en mi cuerpo es incontable”, expresó.

A los dos meses de embarazo, las náuseas implacables cesaron de repente. “Empecé a sentir que mis síntomas de embarazo estaban desapareciendo”, dijo. Entonces comenzó un extraño dolor de espalda.

Etienne y su esposo corrieron a la sala de emergencias, donde confirmaron que corría un grave riesgo de aborto espontáneo. Una cascada de intervenciones médicas —inyecciones de progesterona, monitoreo fetal en el hogar y reposo en cama— salvó a la niña, que nació a las 37 semanas.

Las mujeres en Estados Unidos tienen más probabilidades de dar a luz prematuramente que las de la mayoría de los países desarrollados. Esto coincide con tasas más altas de mortalidad materno infantil, miles de millones de gastos en cuidado intensivo y a menudo una vida de discapacidad para los prematuros que sobreviven.

Aproximadamente uno de cada 10 nacimientos vivos en 2021 ocurrió antes de las 37 semanas de gestación, según un informe de March of Dimes publicado en 2022. En comparación, investigaciones recientes citan tasas de nacimientos prematuros del 7,4% en Inglaterra y Gales, del 6% en Francia y del 5,8% en Suecia.

En su informe, March of Dimes encontró que las tasas de nacimientos prematuros aumentaron en casi todos los estados de 2020 a 2021. Vermont, con una tasa del 8%, tuvo la calificación más alta del país: una “A-”. Los resultados más sombríos se concentraron en los estados del sur, que obtuvieron calificaciones equivalentes a una “F”, con tasas de nacimientos prematuros del 11,5% o más.

Mississippi (15 %), Louisiana (13,5 %) y Alabama (13,1 %) fueron los estados con peor desempeño. El informe encontró que, en 2021, el 10,9% de los nacidos vivos en Florida fueron partos prematuros, por lo que obtuvo una “D”.

Desde que la Corte Suprema anulara Roe vs. Wade, muchos especialistas temen que la incidencia de nacimientos prematuros se dispare. El aborto ahora está prohibido en al menos 13 estados y estrictamente restringido en otros 12: los estados que restringen el aborto tienen menos proveedores de atención materna, según un reciente análisis de Commonwealth Fund.

Eso incluye Florida, donde los legisladores republicanos han promulgado leyes contra el aborto, incluida la prohibición de realizarlo después de las 15 semanas de gestación.

Florida es uno de los estados menos generosos cuando se trata de seguro médico público. Aproximadamente una de cada 6 mujeres en edad fértil no tiene seguro, lo que dificulta mantener un embarazo saludable. Las mujeres de Florida tienen el doble de probabilidades de morir por causas relacionadas con el embarazo y el parto que las de California.

“Me quita el sueño”, dijo la doctora Elvire Jacques, especialista en medicina materno-fetal del Memorial Hospital en Miramar, Florida.

Jacques explicó que las causas de los partos prematuros son variadas. Alrededor del 25% se inducen médicamente, por condiciones como la preeclampsia. Pero la investigación sugiere que muchos más tendrían sus raíces en una misteriosa constelación de condiciones fisiológicas.

“Es muy difícil identificar que una paciente tendrá un parto prematuro”, dijo Jacques. “Pero sí puedes identificar los factores estresantes en sus embarazos”.

Los médicos dicen que aproximadamente la mitad de todos los nacimientos prematuros debido a factores sociales, económicos y ambientales, y al acceso inadecuado a la atención médica prenatal, se pueden prevenir.

En el Memorial Hospital en Miramar, parte de un gran sistema de atención médica pública, Jacques recibe embarazos de alto riesgo referidos por otros obstetras del sur de Florida.

En la primera cita les pregunta: ¿Con quién vives? ¿Donde duermes? ¿Tienes adicciones? ¿Dónde trabajas? “Si no supiera que trabajan en una fábrica paradas cómo les podría recomendar que usaran medias de compresión para prevenir coágulos de sangre?”.

Jacques instó al gerente de una tienda a que permitiera a su empleada embarazada trabajar sentada. Persuadió a un imán para que le concediera a una futura mamá con diabetes un aplazamiento del ayuno religioso.

Debido a que la diabetes es un factor de riesgo importante, a menudo habla con los pacientes sobre cómo comer de manera saludable. Les pregunta: “De los alimentos que estamos discutiendo, ¿cuál crees que puedes pagar?”.

El acceso a una atención asequible separa a Florida de estados como California y Massachusetts, que tienen licencia familiar paga y bajas tasas de residentes sin seguro; y a Estados Unidos de otros países, dicen expertos en políticas de salud.

En países con atención médica socializada, “las mujeres no tienen que preocuparse por el costo financiero de la atención”, apuntó la doctora Delisa Skeete-Henry, jefa del departamento de obstetricia y ginecología de Broward Health en Fort Lauderdale. Y tienen licencias por maternidad pagas.

Sin embargo, a medida que aumentan los nacimientos prematuros en Estados Unidos, la riqueza no garantiza mejores resultados.

Nuevas investigaciones revelan que, sorprendentemente, en todos los niveles de ingresos, las mujeres negras y sus bebés experimentan resultados de parto mucho peores que sus contrapartes blancas. En otras palabras, todos los recursos que ofrece la riqueza no protegen a las mujeres negras ni a sus bebés de complicaciones prematuras, según el estudio, publicado por la Oficina Nacional de Investigación Económica.

Jamarah Amani es testigo de esto como directora ejecutiva de Southern Birth Justice Network y defensora de la atención de parteras y doulas en el sur de Florida. A medida que evalúa nuevos pacientes, busca pistas sobre los riesgos de nacimiento en los antecedentes familiares, análisis de laboratorio y ecografías. Y se centra en el estrés relacionado con el trabajo, las relaciones, la comida, la familia y el racismo.

“Las mujeres negras que trabajan en ambientes de alto estrés, incluso si no tienen problemas económicos, pueden enfrentar un parto prematuro”, dijo.

Recientemente, cuando una paciente mostró signos de trabajo de parto prematuro, Amani descubrió que su factura de electricidad estaba vencida, y que la empresa amenazaba con cortar el servicio. Amani encontró una organización que pagó la deuda.

De los seis embarazos de Tamara Etienne, dos terminaron en aborto espontáneo y cuatro fueron de riesgo de parto prematuro. Harta de la avalancha de intervenciones médicas, encontró una doula y una partera locales que la ayudaron en el nacimiento de sus dos hijos más pequeños.

“Pudieron guiarme a través de formas saludables y naturales para mitigar todas esas complicaciones”, dijo.

Sus propias experiencias con el embarazo dejaron un profundo impacto en Etienne. Desde entonces, ella misma se ha convertido en una doula.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Jimmy Carter estaba orgulloso de que Estados Unidos no hubiera iniciado ninguna guerra durante su mandato como presidente.

Pero después de dejar el cargo, lanzó una guerra contra las llamadas enfermedades olvidadas, males de tierras lejanas que la mayoría de los estadounidenses nunca sufrirán y de las que tal vez ni siquiera hayan oído hablar.

Enfermedades como la filariasis linfática, el tracoma, la ceguera del río, la esquistosomiasis… y una particular causada por un bichito desagradable llamado gusano de Guinea.

Los gusanos de Guinea se propagan a través del agua potable contaminada y al comer pescado poco cocido. Los gusanos hembra, que pueden medir hasta 3 pies de largo una vez que maduran, causan ampollas abiertas increíblemente dolorosas, en general en la parte inferior de las piernas y los pies de la persona infectada, a través de las cuales emergen los gusanos.

Puede permanecer en el cuerpo durante semanas o meses, y a veces de forma permanente, dejando a algunas personas incapaces de trabajar y mantener a sus familias.

Si alguien con gusano de Guinea tiene contacto con el agua, tal vez para aliviar el dolor ardiente causado por la aparición de un gusano, el gusano puede liberar decenas de miles de gusanos bebés, contaminando todo el curso de agua.

El esfuerzo por acabar con esta enfermedad no se basó en métodos de alta tecnología. “La enfermedad del gusano de Guinea no tiene cura, no hay vacunación, básicamente todo el esfuerzo de erradicación se basa en el cambio de comportamiento”, dijo Kelly Callahan, trabajadora de salud pública que pasó años luchando contra la enfermedad del gusano de Guinea en el sur de Sudán con el Centro Carter, la organización benéfica que el ex presidente y su esposa crearon junto con la Universidad Emory.

Eso ha significado enseñar a las personas en áreas vulnerables a filtrar el agua y brindarles las herramientas de bajo costo para hacerlo.

Otras estrategias incluyen brindar acceso a suministros de agua potable, una mejor detección de casos humanos y animales, limpiar y vendar heridas, evitar que las personas y los animales infectados entren al agua y usar larvicidas para matar a los gusanos.

Gracias a Carter, el mundo ha estado increíblemente cerca de acabar con el gusano de Guinea.

“Me gustaría ver al gusano de Guinea completamente erradicado antes de morir”, dijo Carter en una conferencia de prensa en 2015. “Me gustaría que el último gusano de Guinea muera antes que yo. Creo que ahora mismo tenemos 11 casos. Empezamos con 3,6 millones”.

Parecía que el último gusano de Guinea iba a morir antes que el presidente número 39 de los Estados Unidos. Luego, hace unos años, científicos descubrieron que el parásito se estaba propagando entre los perros callejeros en Chad, y que los babuinos en Etiopía también portaban el parásito.

Este reservorio de gusanos que se pasó por alto durante mucho tiempo fue un revés para el programa de erradicación global y demostró que matar al último gusano de Guinea sería más difícil de lo que se pensaba.

Además, a medida que el número de casos ha disminuido, han surgido nuevos desafíos. En 2018, se detectó la enfermedad del gusano de Guinea en Angola, un país en donde no se habían registrado casos en el pasado.

Como resultado, en 2019, la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) retrasó su fecha prevista de erradicación de la enfermedad una década completa, de 2020 a 2030.

Los investigadores ahora están buscando un tratamiento para los perros infectados, y los trabajadores de salud pública han recurrido a nuevas intervenciones, como pagar a las personas para que informen sobre los animales infectados. No obstante, la campaña de Carter ha tenido un éxito notable.

En una entrevista con NPR en 2015, Carter recordó los orígenes de su cruzada. El ex zar antidrogas de Carter, Peter Borne, estaba trabajando en una iniciativa de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) llamada “Década del agua dulce”. Borne fue al Centro Carter para hablar sobre enfermedades olvidadas que se propagan por “beber agua en mal estado”. Una de ellas fue el gusano de Guinea.

“La razón principal por la que [Borne] vino al Centro Carter fue porque no podía conseguir que nadie más abordara este problema”, recordó Carter. “Es una enfermedad despreciable. Y se presentaba en pueblos tan remotos que nadie quería asumir la tarea. Entonces, decidimos asumirla”. Eso fue en 1986.

El doctor Paul Farmer, fundador de Partners in Health y defensor de causas mundiales de salud que murió el año pasado, habló con NPR en 2019 sobre los esfuerzos de Carter. Farmer dijo que el ex presidente merece gran parte del crédito por llevar al gusano de Guinea al borde de la extinción.

La viruela, dijo Farmer, es “la única enfermedad humana [que ha] sido erradicada. Y si… el gusano de Guinea está justo detrás, será gracias a Carter. Quiero decir, hubo millones de casos en los que se involucró… después de su presidencia a mediados de los años 80. Y ahora tenemos menos de 100 el año pasado”.

El Centro Carter informó que en 2022, solo hubo 13 casos humanos registrados de la enfermedad, un número provisional que se confirmará oficialmente, probablemente este mes.

“Cuando te enfrentas a un problema como este, como el gusano de Guinea, tienes que hablar con persuasión a los funcionarios del ministerio, las figuras políticas, las enfermeras, los médicos, los activistas comunitarios, los agricultores, las personas que están… en mayor riesgo. Carter ha tenido que hablar con persuasión a todas esas personas. Y eso es algo que ha sido muy inspirador para muchos de nosotros”, dijo Farmer.

Christopher Plowe, profesor adjunto de medicina en la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Maryland, está de acuerdo en que la defensa de Carter ha ayudado a los gobiernos y las agencias de salud pública de todo el mundo a mantenerse enfocados en erradicar la enfermedad del gusano de Guinea. El Centro Carter también ha contribuido, invirtiendo alrededor de $500 millones desde 1986.

“Creo que deberíamos ser optimistas de que es algo factible”, dijo Plowe. “Creo que no deberíamos ser demasiado optimistas sobre lo rápido que ocurrirá”.

El gusano de Guinea fue solo uno de los objetivos de la guerra de Carter. La oncocercosis, también conocida ceguera del río, ha sido eliminada de la mayor parte de las Américas y reducida drásticamente en África gracias al trabajo de Carter y el Centro Carter. También se han hecho avances importantes contra otras enfermedades desatendidas, como la filariasis linfática, que provoca una horrible inflamación de las piernas y los genitales.

Aquellos que conocen bien a Carter dijeron que fue su educación en una zona empobrecida del sur lo que lo hizo tener un fuerte sentido de autosuficiencia y sacrificio, y el deber de ayudar a los demás.

Nacido en Plains, Georgia, en 1924, se mantuvo cerca de sus raíces y regresó a casa después de su carrera en la Marina para administrar la granja de maní de la familia. La iglesia fue una parte central de su vida en Plains —enseñó en la escuela dominical hasta los 90 años— y sus amigos dijeron que su fe cristiana lo impulsaba.

“Hizo lo que hizo por amor a la humanidad”, dijo Linda Fuller Degelmann, cofundadora de Habitat for Humanity, que ha contado a Jimmy y Rosalynn Carter entre sus muchos voluntarios, clavando clavos durante el día y durmiendo en literas durante la noche. Los Carter trabajaron en proyectos de Hábitat en 14 países.

En febrero, Carter ingresó a cuidados paliativos, renunciando a un tratamiento médico adicional para prolongar su vida. Pero su muerte no significará el fin de su obra. En un comunicado, el Centro Carter se comprometió a continuar la lucha para erradicar al gusano de Guinea.

Cuando la enfermedad llegue a su fin, se convertirá en uno de los logros característicos de Carter, un logro extraordinario que refleja un principio simple pero profundo de su filosofía personal: “tratar de ayudarse unos a otros en lugar de estar dispuestos a ir a la guerra uno contra otro”.

Este artículo fue producido como parte de una alianza entre KHN y NPR.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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This story can be republished for free (details).

Researchers at the Texas Biomedical Research Institute are developing a vaccine candidate against HIV. The vaccine is intended to block HIV entry into the body and is administered to the mucosal lining of the rectum and vagina to achieve this. The formulation then stimulates antibodies against HIV in precisely the areas where the virus first enters the body’s cells. Cleverly, the researchers designed the vaccine to target the basal cells of the epithelium, which then give rise to a constant supply of epithelial cells to replace cells that are routinely sloughed off. This may lead to long-term protection against HIV with this vaccine. In tests with primates, the vaccine has shown significant efficacy in reducing viral transmission, and when vaccinated animals did become infected, they were able to control the infection much better and showed no disease symptoms.

HIV has evaded our best attempts to create an effective vaccine for decades. Although anti-retroviral therapy can allow people with HIV infection to live normal lives and avoid progression to AIDS, it still requires that someone takes these treatments for the rest of their lives. Moreover, these treatments may not be widely available for everyone, and lack of access can be an issue in low-resource areas. A vaccine that prevents people from getting infected with HIV in the first place, and allows them to control the infection if it does occur, would be very useful.

Part of the issue is that HIV spreads through the body relatively quickly. In response, these researchers had the idea of developing a vaccine that acts specifically on the areas of the body where the virus typically enters – the mucosal lining of the vagina or rectum. The concept is to give the virus a hard time before it even gets a chance to get a foothold in the body. “I had this idea as a postdoc,” said Marie-Claire Gauduin, a researcher involved in the study. “I thought it had to be naïve because nobody was talking about it. It was so obvious and simple to me; I thought someone would have already done it.”

The vaccine is a live attenuated vaccine, meaning that the viral particles within contain the full genetic code, albeit with some alterations to prevent the virus from replicating. The researchers describe the resulting particles as “single-cycle” vaccine virus. These modified viral particles can enter cells in the mucosa, but cannot proliferate and leave the cells again. The immune system can recognize that these cells are ‘infected’ and so generates antibodies against the virus, which will give any real virus attempting to enter the mucosa a hard time.

Cleverly, the vaccine targets cells in the mucosa that give rise to new cells, helping to keep the vaccine effective for as long as possible. “The idea is that as long as the vaccine is in the mother cells, it will be passed on and be present in all new epithelial cells in these regions,” said Gauduin. “I did not think it would work so well, but it did!”

In tests in non-human primates, the vaccine candidate helped animals to avoid infection in the first place, and once infected they showed a better ability to control the virus and showed no disease symptoms. It’s too early to know if the vaccine will work in humans, but the researchers have recently received some funding to develop it further.

Via: Texas Biomedical Research Institute

Researchers at the Garvan Institute of Medical Research in Australia have developed a new generation of antibodies to treat COVID-19. So far, the antibodies have been shown to neutralize several of the viral variants behind COVID-19, and the researchers hope that they will form an effective treatment for at-risk patients. Previously developed antibody treatments for COVID-19 have been rendered largely useless as the virus has mutated. Such antibodies have focused on binding to the most obvious site on the viral spike protein, the ACE2 receptor binding site, but their efficacy in destroying the virus has waned with new viral variants. However, these new antibodies bind to a different site on the spike protein that is partially hidden, and appear to essentially rip the spike protein apart, prompting the researchers to surmise that the virus will find it hard to develop resistance.

SARS-CoV-2 continues to proliferate around the world. While vaccines have provided many of us with protection against severe disease, they do not offer the same level of protection for everyone. For instance, severely immunocompromised patients may not receive much benefit from current COVID-19 vaccines, and will likely require additional treatment if they contract the disease.    

Developing new treatments for COVID-19 will greatly benefit such patients, but SARS-CoV-2 is a formidable adversary, with new variants popping up around the world. Unfortunately, previous iterations of antibody treatments for COVID-19 have been rendered largely ineffective by these mutations.   

“Almost all commercially available antibodies for COVID-19 don’t work well anymore,” said Jake Henry, a researcher involved in the study. “Most are class 1 or 2, which refers to the fact that they bind to the most obvious spot on the spike protein – the ACE2 receptor binding site. They have downsides, including failure against new variants as they evolve. We’re delighted our research could lead to new antiviral therapy providing reliable ‘passive immunity’ to at-risk individuals.”

The new ‘class 6’ antibodies bind to a different part of the spike protein and can lead to its destruction. “This is a new mechanism of action we’re seeing with these class 6 antibodies,” said Daniel Christ, another researcher involved in the study. “Our hypothesis is that they’re so effective because the area we’re targeting is close to the center of the spike’s structure. When the antibody attaches there, it distorts the spike and rips it apart. It would be very difficult for the virus to adapt to that.”

Study in journal Nature Communications: Broadly neutralizing SARS-CoV-2 antibodies through epitope-based selection from convalescent patients

Via: Garvan Institute of Medical Research

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Julie Rovner
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Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KHN’s weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

Both Republicans and Democrats in Congress reacted with compassion to the news that Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) has checked himself into Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for treatment of clinical depression. The reaction is a far cry from what it would have been 20 or even 10 years ago, as more politicians from both parties are willing to admit they are humans with human frailties.

Meanwhile, former South Carolina governor and GOP presidential candidate Nikki Haley is pushing “competency” tests for politicians over age 75. She has not specified, however, who would determine what the test should include and who would decide if politicians pass or fail.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KHN, Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico, and Rachel Roubein of The Washington Post.

Panelists

Sarah Karlin-Smith
Pink Sheet

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Joanne Kenen
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico

@JoanneKenen

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Rachel Roubein
The Washington Post

@rachel_roubein

Read Rachel's stories

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• Acknowledging a mental health disorder could spell doom for a politician’s career in the past, but rather than raising questions about his fitness to serve, Sen. John Fetterman’s decision to make his depression diagnosis and treatment public raises the possibility that personal experiences with the health system could make lawmakers better representatives.
• In Medicare news, Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) dropped Medicare and Social Security from his proposal to require that every federal program be specifically renewed every five years. Scott’s plan has been hammered by Democrats after President Joe Biden criticized it this month in his State of the Union address.
• Medicare is not politically “untouchable,” though. Two Biden administration proposals seek to rein in the high cost of the popular Medicare Advantage program. Those are already proving controversial as well, particularly among Medicare beneficiaries who like the additional benefits that often come with the private-sector plans.
• New studies on the effectiveness of ivermectin and mask use are drawing attention to pandemic preparedness. The study of ivermectin revealed that the drug is not effective against the covid-19 virus even in higher doses, raising the question about how far researchers must go to convince skeptics fed misinformation about using the drug to treat covid. Also, a new analysis of studies on mask use leaned on pre-pandemic studies, potentially undermining mask recommendations for future health crises.
• On the abortion front, abortion rights supporters in Ohio are pushing for a ballot measure enshrining access to the procedure in its state constitution, while a lawyer in Florida is making an unusual “personhood” argument to advocate for a pregnant woman to be released from jail.

Plus for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: Stat’s “Current Treatments for Cramps Aren’t Cutting It. Why Aren’t There Better Options?” by Calli McMurray

Joanne Kenen: The Atlantic’s “Eagles Are Falling, Bears Are Going Blind,” by Katherine J. Wu

Rachel Roubein: The Washington Post’s “Her Baby Has a Deadly Diagnosis. Her Florida Doctors Refused an Abortion,” by Frances Stead Sellers

Sarah Karlin-Smith: DCist’s “Locals Who Don’t Speak English Need Medical Translators, but Some Say They Don’t Always Get the Service,” by Amanda Michelle Gomez and Hector Alejandro Arzate

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

• The Hill’s “Nikki Haley: Bernie Sanders Is ‘Exactly the Reason’ Mental Competency Tests Are Needed,” by Niall Stanage
• USA Today’s “Idaho Bill Would Criminalize Giving mRNA Vaccines — The Tech Used in Popular COVID Vaccines,” by Thao Nguyen
• The Washington Post’s “Twenty Governors Are Forming a New Coalition to Support Abortion Rights,” by Rachel Roubein with McKenzie Beard
• The Washington Post’s “Fla. Lawyer Argues Pregnant Inmate’s Fetus Is Being Illegally Detained,” by Kyle Melnick

click to open the transcript

Transcript: Senators Have Mental Health Crises, Too

KHN’s ‘What the Health?’Episode Title: Senators Have Mental Crises, TooEpisode Number: 286Published: Feb. 23, 2023

Julie Rovner: Hello and welcome back to KHN’s “What the Health?” I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent at Kaiser Health News. And I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Feb. 23, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So here we go. We are joined today via video conference by Rachel Roubein of The Washington Post.

Rachel Roubein: Hi. Thanks for having me.

Rovner: Sarah Karlin-Smith of the Pink Sheet.

Sarah Karlin-Smith: Hi, Julie.

Rovner: And Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico.

Joanne Kenen: Hi, everybody.

Rovner: So, no interview this week, but lots of interesting news, even with Congress in recess and the president out of the country. So we will get right to it. We’re going to start this week with mental health. No, not the mental health of the population, although that remains a very large problem, but specifically the mental health of politicians. I am old enough to remember when a politician admitting to having been treated for any mental health problem basically disqualified them from holding higher office. You young people go Google Tom Eagleton. Now we have Sen. John Fetterman [D-Pa.], who made headlines while campaigning during his stroke recovery, checking himself into Walter Reed for major depression treatment. And the reaction from his colleagues on both sides of the aisle has been unusually compassionate for political Washington. Have we turned a corner here on admitting to having problems not meaning incapable of serving or working?

Karlin-Smith: It’s obviously getting better, but I think as we saw with Fetterman’s coverage during the campaign, it was far from perfect. And I think there was some dissatisfaction that his coverage was in many … sometimes unfair in how his stroke and his stroke recovery and his needs for accommodations were presented in the media. But I do think we are shifting at least somewhat from thinking about, Does this situation make a person fit to serve? to thinking about, OK, what does this person’s experience navigating the health care system perhaps provide that might actually make them a better representative, or understand their constituents’ needs in navigating the health care system, which is a big part of our political agenda?

Kenen: There are very few times when Congress makes nice. I think on rare occasions mental health has done it. I can think of the fight for mental parity. It was a bipartisan pair: Sen. Pete Domenici [R-N.M.] had a daughter with schizophrenia, and Sen. Paul Wellstone [D-Minn.] had … what, was it … a brother?

Rovner: I think it was a sibling, yeah.

Kenen: … with a severe mental illness. I no longer remember whether it was schizophrenia or another severe mental illness. And they teamed up to get mental health parity, which they didn’t get all the way. And there are still gaps, but they got the first, and it took years.

Rovner: And they were a very unlike pair, Domenici was …

Kenen: They were a very unlikely couple.

Rovner: a very conservative Republican. Wellstone was a very liberal Democrat.

Kenen: And their personalities were completely like, you know, one was a kind but grumpy person and one was the teddy bear. And they were a very odd couple in every possible way. And it didn’t make lawmakers talk about themselves at that point, but they did get more open about their family. About 10 or 15 years later, there was a senator’s son died by suicide and he was very open about it. It was really one of the most remarkable moments I’ve ever seen on the Hill, because other people started getting up and talking about loved ones who had died by suicide, including [Sen.] Don Nickles [R-Okla.], who was very conservative, who had never spoken about it before. And it was Sen. Gordon Smith [R-Ore.] whose son had died at the time. And he tried to put it to use and got mental health legislation for college. So these were like, you know, 10 or 15 years apart. But Congress, they don’t treat each other very well. It’s not just politics. They’re often quite nasty across party lines. So this was sort of like the third moment I’ve seen where a little bit of compassion and identification came out. Is it a kumbaya turnaround? No, but it’s good to see kindness, not “he should resign this moment.” I mean, the response was pretty human and humane.

Rovner: And we also had the unique moment with Patrick Kennedy, who was then in the House, son of Sen. Ted Kennedy, who was still in the Senate. And Patrick Kennedy, of course, had had substance abuse issues in addition to his mental health issues. And he actually championed through what turned into the final realization of the mental health parity that Domenici and Wellstone had started. So, I mean, to Sarah’s point, I think, sometimes if the person experiences it themselves, they may be even more able to navigate through to help other people, so …

Kenen: You’re not immune from mental illness if you’re a lawmaker and neither is your family. And there are a number of very sad stories and there are other lawmakers who have lost relatives to suicide. So there’s this additional connection between stroke and depression that I think got a little bit of attention here, because that’s also a thing.

Rovner: Well, all right, then again, it is not all sunshine and roses on the political mental health front. Former South Carolina Republican Gov. Nikki Haley, who’s now running for president, is proposing a mental competency test for politicians over the age of 75. That would, of course, include both Donald Trump and Joe Biden. But this week, Haley extended her proposed mental competency test to the Senate, where there are dozens of members over the age of 75. She specifically called out 81-year-old Bernie Sanders after he called her proposal ageism. Now, it’s pretty clear that Haley is using this to keep herself in the news, and it’s working. But could we actually see mental competency tests rolled out at some point? And who would decide what constitutes competency in someone who’s getting older?

Kenen: Or younger.

Rovner: Or younger, yeah.

Karlin-Smith: Wait, has Joanne solved the aging [mystery]? I think … what Julie said, in terms of who would decide, I think that’s where it gets really dicey. I think, first of all, if you’re going to deal with this, there seems no way you can make it based on age, right? Because competency is not necessarily tied with age. But I think, ethically, I’m not sure our society has any fair way to really determine … and it would just become such a political football that I don’t think anybody wants to deal with figuring out how to do that. Obviously, you don’t want somebody, probably, in office who is not capable of doing the job to a point where they really can’t be productive. But again, as we’ve seen with these other health issues, you also don’t want to exclude people because they are not perfectly in some sort of heightened state of being that, you know, all people are not perfect in capacity at every single moment and deal with struggles. So there’s this fine line, I think, that would be too difficult to sort of figure out how to do that.

Kenen: And you could be fine one day and not fine the next. If you have a disease [of] cognitive decline that’s gradual, you know, when do you pick it up? When do you define it? And then you can have something very sudden like a car crash, a stroke and any number of things that can cause cognitive damage immediately.

Rovner: Now, we didn’t know then, but we know now that Ronald Reagan had the first stages of dementia towards the end of his second term. Sorry, Rachel, you wanted to say something?

Roubein: We’ve seen careful reporting around — I think, about like the San Francisco Chronicle story last year — about [Sen.] Dianne Feinstein [D-Calif.], which essentially looked at this. There were some questions around [Sen.] Thad Cochran [R-Miss.], as well. And it’s something journalists have looked at pretty carefully by talking to other senators and those who know the lawmakers well to see how they are essentially.

Kenen: And Strom Thurmond, who was, to a layperson, like all the reporters covering the Hill, it was clear that … he served until he was, what, 98 or something? You know, it was very clear that half the time he was having struggles.

Rovner: And I remember so many times that there would be the very old senators on the floor who would basically be napping on the floor of the Senate.

Kenen: That might be a sign of mental health.

Rovner: Yeah, that’s true. But napping because they couldn’t stay awake, not just curling up for a nap. But, I mean, it’s an interesting discussion. You know, as I say, I’m pretty sure that Nikki Haley is doing it to try and poke at both Biden and Trump and keep herself in the news. And, as I say, it’s working.

Kenen: But I think there’s a question of fitness that I think has come up over and over again. I mean, Paul Tsongas was running for president, what, the Nineties and said he was over his lymphoma or luekemia.

Rovner: I think he had lymphoma. Yeah.

Kenen: He said he was fine, and it turns out he wasn’t. And he actually died quite young, quite soon after not getting the nomination. So there are legitimate issues of fitness, mental and physical, for the presidency. I would think that there’s a different standard for senators just because you’re one out of 100 instead of one out of one. I think there is a tradition, which Trump didn’t really follow. There is a tradition of disclosure, but it’s not foolproof. And Trump certainly just had — remember, he had that letter from his doctor who also didn’t live much longer after that, saying he was the most fit president in history, Like, just don’t get me started, but basically said he was a greek god. So there are legitimate concerns about fitness, but it’s hard to figure out. I mean, it was really hard to figure out in Congress how to do that.

Rovner: Yeah, I think the “who decides” what will be the most difficult part of that, which is probably why they haven’t done it yet. All right. Well, turning to policy, two weeks ago, we talked about the coming Medicare wars with President Biden taking aim at Republicans in his State of the Union speech, and particularly, although he didn’t name him, with Florida Sen. Rick Scott, who last year as head of the Republican Senate Campaign Committee, released a plan that would have sunset every federal program, including Medicare and Social Security, every five years. And they would cease to be unless Congress re-approved them. We know how much trouble Congress has doing anything. This horrified a whole lot of Republicans, who not only have been on the wrong end politically of threatening Medicare — and paid a price for it at the ballot box — but who themselves have used it as a weapon on Democrats. See my column from last week, which I will put in the show notes. So now, kind of predictably, Sen. Scott has succumbed and proposed a new plan that would sunset every federal program except Medicare and Social Security. But I imagine that’s not going to end this particular political fight, right? The Democrats seem to have become a dog with a bone on this.

Roubein: Yeah. And it’s known as “Mediscare” for a reason, right? It’s something both political parties use and try and weaponize. I mean, I think one of the really big questions for me when I kept on hearing this, like what? Cuts to Medicare, what does that actually mean in practice? Some experts said that it might simply mean slowing the rate of growth in the program compared to what it would have been, which doesn’t necessarily impact people’s benefits. It can; it depends how it’s done. But I mean, we’ve seen this political fight before. It happened during the Affordable Care Act and afterwards, the effect of cutting Medicare Advantage plan payments, etc., didn’t really make plans less generous. They continued to be more generous. So it’s something that we’ll continue to see Biden talk about because the administration thinks that it plays well among seniors.

Rovner: But even as Bernie Sanders pointed out this week, we’re going to have to deal with Medicare and Social Security eventually. They can’t continue on their current path because they will both run out of money at some point unless something gets changed. But right now, it seems that both sides are much happier to use it as a cudgel than to actually sit down and figure out how to fix it.

Kenen: But one thing that’s interesting is that it wasn’t a big issue in the November elections. The Democrats late in the game tried to draw attention to the Rick Scott proposal. I almost wrote a piece how there was no discussion of Medicare for the first time in years. And just as I was starting to write it, they began talking about it a little bit. So I didn’t write it. But it never stuck. It wasn’t a major issue. And the one race where it really could have been would have been Wisconsin, because that was a tight Senate race — the Democrats really wanted to defeat Ron Johnson, who is to the right of Rick Scott on phasing out Medicare. He’s the only one who endorsed Scott and actually wanted to go further, and it didn’t even really stick there. So it’s sort of interesting that it’s now bubbling up. I mean, yes, we’re into 2024, but we’re not into 2024 the way we’re going to be into 2024. It’s sort of interesting to see that the Democrats are hitting this so far.

Rovner: No, I think that’s because of the debt ceiling.

Kenen: Right. But it’s supposedly off the table for the debt ceiling, which doesn’t mean, as Rachel just said, there are legitimate fiscal issues that Democrats and Republicans both acknowledge. They’re, crudely speaking, Democrats want to raise more money for them, and Republicans want to slow spending. That’s a that’s an oversimplification. But the rhetoric is always throwing Grandma off the cliff. Never Grandpa, always Grandma.

Rovner: Always Grandma.

Kenen: You know, actually, you can do things over a 20-year period. That’s what we did with Social Security. We did raise the age in a bipartisan fashion on Social Security 20 years … took like 20 years to phase it.

Rovner: And I would point out that the only person who really reacted to Rick Scott’s plan when it came out last February was, I think, a year ago this week, was Mitch McConnell.

Kenen: Yeah, he blew a gasket.

Rovner: But he immediately disavowed it. So Mitch McConnell knew what a problem it could turn into and kind of has now. So we have kind of the reverse sides in Medicare Advantage of the fight. That’s the private alternative to traditional Medicare. It’s the darling of Republicans, who touched off the current popularity of the program when they dramatically increased payments for it in 2003, which led to increased benefits and increased profits for insurance companies. They split those — that extra money between themselves and the beneficiaries. And, not surprisingly, increased popularity to the point where a majority of beneficiaries right now are in Medicare Advantage plans rather than traditional Medicare. On the other hand, these plans, which were originally supposed to cut overall Medicare costs, are instead proving more expensive than traditional Medicare. And Democrats would like to claw some of those profits back. But that looks about as likely as Republicans sunsetting Medicare, right? There’s just too many people who are too happy with their extra benefits.

Roubein: I guess we’ve seen two proposals from the administration this year which would change Medicare benefits. Then Republicans are trying to paint this as a cut but are saying it wouldn’t change benefits. But to change Medicare Advantage, one way …

Rovner: To change payments for Medicare Advantage.

Roubein: Yes, exactly. One which essentially would increase the government’s ability to audit plans and recover past overpayments and one which is the annual rate proposal. And there’s some aspects in there that Medicare Advantage plans are on a full-court lobbying press to say these are cuts which the administration is pushing back on really, really hard. So this is another microcosm of this Medicare scare tactics.

Rovner: And they’re all over TV already, commercials that probably don’t mean much to anybody if you’re not completely up on this fight of, like, “Congress is thinking about cutting Medicare Advantage.” No, really? I do laugh every time I see that ad.

Kenen: But, you know, Julie, you’re right that this began as a Republican cause, I mean, they had a similar program in the late ’90s that flopped and they revived it as Medicare Advantage. But it didn’t stay a Republican pet project for long. I mean, Democrats, starting with those in states with a lot of retirees — I’m thinking in Florida, who had Democratic senators at the time. I mean, they jumped on board, too, because people like … there are people who want to stay in traditional Medicare and there are people who jumped on to Medicare Advantage, which has certain advantages. It is less partisan than it began. It has always been more expensive than it was touted to be. And it’s now, we’re heading into 20 years since the legislation was passed, and nothing has really been done to change that trajectory, nothing significant. And I don’t think you’re going to see a major overhaul of it. There may be things that you can do [on] a bipartisan basis that nip. But if you’re nipping at that many billions of dollars, a nip as can be a lot of money.

Rovner: Yeah, that’s the thing about Medicare. Although I would point out also that the reason it flopped in the late 1990s is because Congress whacked the payments for it as part of the Balanced Budget Act. And as they gave the money back, it got more popular again because, lo and behold, extra money means extra benefits and people liked it. So its popularity has been definitely tied to how much the payments are that Congress has been willing to provide for it.

Kenen: And how they market and who they market to.

Rovner: Absolutely, which is a whole ’nother issue. But I want to do a covid check-in this week because it’s been a while. First, we have a study from Duke University published in this week’s Journal of the American Medical Association showing that using the deworming drug ivermectin, even at a higher dose and for a longer time, still doesn’t work against covid. This was a decent-sized, double-blind, randomized, controlled trial over nine months. Why is this such a persistent desire of so many people and even doctors to use this drug that clearly doesn’t work?

Karlin-Smith: You know, there’s been a lot of misinformation out there, particularly spread by the right and people that have not just, in general, trusted the government during covid and felt like this drug worked. And for whatever reason, they were being convinced that there was a government effort to kind of repress that. What’s interesting to point out, you know, you mentioned the trial being run at Duke. This was actually a part of a big NIH [National Institutes of Health] study to study various drugs for covid. So even NIH has been willing to actually do the research and to prove whether the drug does or doesn’t work. One of the issues this raises is this was one of many studies at this point that has shown the drug doesn’t work. In this one they even were willing to test, OK, a lower dose didn’t work. Let’s test a higher dose. Again, it fails. And the question becomes is, is there any amount of data or trials that can convince people who have, again, gone through this process where they’ve been convinced by this misinformation to believe it works and that the government is lying to them? Is there any way to convince them, with this type of evidence, it doesn’t work? And then what are the ethics of doing this research on people? Because you’re wasting government resources. You’re wasting resources in general. You’re wasting time, money. You’re giving people a drug in the trial when they could be getting another drug and that might actually work. So it’s really complicated because, again, I’m not sure you can convince the true ivermectin fans. I’m not sure there’s any amount of this type of scientific evidence that’s going to convince them that it doesn’t work for covid.

Rovner: But while we are talking about scientific studies about covid, a controversial meta-analysis from the esteemed Cochrane Review found basically no evidence that masks have done anything to prevent the spread of covid. But this is another study that seems to have been wildly misinterpreted. It didn’t find … what it looked like was not necessarily what we think. A lot of it turned out to be studies that were seeing whether flu, whether masks prevented against flu, rather than against covid. I mean, have we ended the whole idea of mask wearing and maybe not correctly?

Kenen: This was a meta-analysis for Cochrane, which is really basically … I mean, I think Sarah probably knows more about Cochrane than the rest of us, but their reviews are meaningful and taken seriously and they’re usually well done. The studies that they use in this meta-analysis didn’t ask the question that the headlines said it asked. And also, I mean, I don’t totally understand why they did it, because a) as Julie just pointed out, there was something like 78 studies, 76 of which were done before covid. So, you know, a) that’s a problem. And b), it didn’t actually measure who was wearing a mask. It was like, OK, you’re told to wear a mask or maybe you’re required to wear a mask if you’re working in a hospital while you’re in the hospital. But then you go out to a bar that night and you’re not wearing … I mean, it didn’t really look at the totality of whether people were actually wearing masks properly, consistently. And therefore, why use this flu data to answer questions about masking? And secondly, I also think it always is worth reminding people that, you know, no one ever said masks were the be-all and end-all. It was a component — you know, masking, handwashing, vaccination, distancing, testing, all the things that we didn’t do right. Ventilation … I mean, all that. There’s a long list of things we didn’t do right; masking was one of many. This is not going to help if we ever need masks for any disease again in the future. It did not advance this public health strategy — they call it, like, they like to talk about Swiss cheese, that any one step has holes in it. So you use a whole lot of steps and you don’t have any more holes in your Swiss cheese. It’s going to make it harder if we ever need them.

Rovner: Yeah. Well, notwithstanding scientific evidence now, we have two Republican state lawmakers in Idaho who have introduced a bill that would make any mRNA vaccines illegal to administer in the state, not just to people, but to, quote, “any mammal” with violators subject to jail time. And if I may read the subhead of the story about this … at the science website Ars Technica, quote, “It’s not clear if the two lawmakers know what messenger RNA is exactly.” In a normal world, I would say this is just silly and it couldn’t pass. But we’re not in a normal world anymore, right? I mean, we could actually see Idaho ban mRNA technology, which is used, going to be used for a lot more than covid.

Karlin-Smith: So I think the thing that really interests me about reading about this, and I’d be interested to hear what legal scholars think about this, but I was wondering if there’s a parallel here between this and what’s going on with the abortion pill in Republican states and what the courts may do with that, because it seems to me like there’s probably should be some kind of federal preemption that would kick in here, which is that vaccines are regulated, approved by this technology, by the federal government. Yes, there’s some practice of medicine where states have control from the federal government. But this seems like a case where, and in the past, when states have tried to get into banning FDA-approved products in this way, courts … have pushed back and said, you can’t do this. And I would say, I don’t think this Idaho law would hold up if it gets passed. But now we have this issue going on with the abortion pill, and it seems like there could be this major challenge by the courts to FDA’s authority. So you do sort of wonder, is this another example of what could happen if this authority gets challenged by the states? And, like you said, we are in this different world where maybe three years ago I would say, well, you know, even if Idaho can pass this, of course, this isn’t going to come to practice. But I do wonder, as we’re watching some of these other legal challenges to FDA-approved technologies, what it could mean down the line.

Kenen: I mean, remember, it also … with ivermectin, there are state legislatures that have actually protected patients’ rights to get ivermectin.

Rovner: And doctors’ rights to provide it.

Kenen: Right. And I know more than half the states had legislation. I don’t know how many actually passed it. I don’t remember. But I mean, it was a significant number of states. So these are … all these things that we’re talking about are related — you know, who gets to decide based on what evidence or lack thereof.

Rovner: So if there’s a reason that I brought these three things up, because after all this, a federal judge in California has temporarily blocked enforcement of a new state law that would allow the state medical board to sanction doctors who spread false or misleading information about covid vaccines and treatments. One of the plaintiffs told The New York Times that the law is too vague, quote “Today’s quote-unquote, ‘misinformation’ is tomorrow’s standard of care, he said.” Which is absolutely true. So how should we go about combating medical misinformation? I mean, you know, sometimes people who sound wacky end up having the answer. You know, you don’t want to stop them, but you also don’t want people peddling stuff that clearly doesn’t work.

Kenen: In addition to state boards, there are large medical societies that are — I don’t know how far they’ve gone, but they have said that they will take action. I’m sure that any action they take either will or has already ended up in court. So there are multiple ways of getting at misinformation. But, you know, like Sarah said it really well, there are people who’ve made up their mind and nothing you do is going to stop them from believing that. And some of them have died because they believe the wrong people. So I don’t think we’re going to solve the misinformation problem on this podcast. Or even off — I don’t think the four of us …

Rovner: If only we could.

Kenen: Even if we were off the podcast! But it’s very complicated. I — a lot of my work right now is centered on that. The idea that courts and states are coming down on the wrong side, in terms of where the science stands right now, understanding that science can change and does change. I mean, whether another version of that law could get through the California courts, I mean, there are apparently some broad drafting problems with that law.

Rovner: It hasn’t been struck down yet. It’s just been temporarily blocked while the court process continues. We’ll see. All right. Well, let’s move on to abortion since we’ve been kind of nibbling around the edges. Rachel, you wrote about a group of abortion rights-supporting Democratic governors organizing to coordinate state responses to anti-abortion efforts. What could that do?

Roubein: Yeah, so it’s news this week. It’s called the Reproductive Freedom Alliance. And essentially the idea is so governors can have a forum to more rapidly collaborate, compare notes on things like executive orders that are aimed at expanding and protecting abortion bills, moving through the legislature, budgetary techniques. And as we’re talking about lawsuits, I mean, talk to some governors and you know that the Texas lawsuit from conservative groups seeking to revoke the FDA’s approval of a key abortion pill is top of mind in this new alliance. Kind of the idea is to be able to rapidly come together and have some sort of response if the outcome of that case doesn’t go their way or other major looming decisions. I think it’s interesting. They are billing themselves as nonpartisan. But, you know, only Democratic governors have signed up here.

Rovner: Well, we could have had Larry Hogan and the few moderate Republicans that are left.

Roubein: Yes, Charlie Baker.

Rovner: If they were still … Charlie Baker.

Roubein: Sununu.

Rovner: If they were still there, which they’re not.

Roubein: I mean, I think the other interesting thing about this is if … you looked at 2024, and if a Republican’s in the White House in 2025, they might try and roll back actions Biden has done. So I could foresee a Democratic governors alliance trying to attempt to counteract that in a way that states can.

Rovner: Well, also, on the abortion rights front, supporters in Ohio are trying to get a measure on the ballot that would write abortion rights into the state constitution. This has worked in other red and purple states like Kansas and Michigan. But Ohio? A state that’s been trending redder and redder. It was the home of the first introduced six-week abortion ban five or six years ago. How big a message would that send if Ohio actually voted to protect abortion rights in its constitution? And does anybody think there’s any chance that they would?

Roubein: I think it’s interesting when you look at Kentucky and Kansas, which their ballot measures were different. It was for the state constitution to say that there was no right to an abortion, but abortion rights …

Rovner: There was a negative they defeated saying there was no right.

Roubein: Yeah. I mean, abortion groups really think the public is on their side here. And anti-abortion leaders do think that ballot measures aren’t … like, fighting ballot measures isn’t their best position either. So I think it’ll be interesting to see. Something that caught my eye with this is that the groups are trying to get it on the 2023 general election ballot. And right now what some Republican lawmakers are trying to do to counteract not just abortion ballot measures, but more progressive ballot measures, which is to try and increase the threshold of passage for a ballot measure. And there’s a bill in the Ohio legislature that would increase passage for enshrining anything into the state constitution to 60% support. But that would have to go to the people, too. So essentially, the timing here could counteract to that. So.

Rovner: Yeah, and as we saw in Kansas, if you have this question at a normally … off time for a big turnout, you can turn out your own people. So I assume they’re doing that very much on purpose. They don’t want it to be on the 2024 ballot with the president and Senate race in Ohio and everything else. All right. Well, one more on the abortion issue. Moving to the other side. A Florida lawyer is petitioning to have a pregnant woman who’s been accused, although not convicted, of second-degree murder released from jail because her fetus is being held illegally. Now, it’s not entirely clear if the lawyer is actually in favor of so-called personhood or it’s just trying to get his client, the pregnant woman, out of jail. But these kinds of cases can eventually have pretty significant ramifications, right? If a judge were to say, I’m going to release this woman because the fetus hasn’t done anything wrong.

Kenen: Well, there’s going to be an amendment to the personhood amendment saying, except when we don’t like the mother, right? I mean, she’s already almost at her due date. So it probably is going to be moot. There’s an underlying question in this case about whether she’s been getting good prenatal care, and that’s a separate issue than personhood. I mean, if the allegations are correct and she has not gotten the necessary prenatal care, then she certainly should be getting the necessary prenatal care. I don’t think this is going to be ruled on in time — I think she’s already in her final month of pregnancy. So I don’t think we’re going to see a ruling that’s going to create personhood for fetal inmates.

Rovner: She’ll have the baby before she gets let out of jail.

Kenen: I think other lawyers might try this. I mean, I think it’s legal chutzpah, I guess. If one lawyer came up with it, I don’t see why other lawyers won’t try it for other incarcerated pregnant women.

Rovner: Yeah. And you could see it feeding into the whole personhood issue of, you know, [does] the fetus have its own set of individual rights, you know, apart from the pregnant woman who’s carrying it? And it’s obviously something that’s that we’re going to continue to grapple with, I think, as this debate continues. All right. That is the news for this week. Now it’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s when we each recommend a story we read this week we think you should read, too. As always, don’t worry if you miss it; we will post the links on the podcast page at khn.org and in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Sarah, why don’t you go first this week?

Karlin-Smith: I took a look at a story in the DCist. It’s called “Locals Who Don’t Speak English Need Medical Translators, but Some Say They Don’t Always Get the Service.” It was by Amanda Michelle Gomez and Hector Alejandro Arzate, and it basically takes a look at a lack of medical translators who can help patients who don’t speak English in the D.C. area and the harm that can be caused when patients don’t have that support, whether they’re in the hospital or at medical appointment, focusing on a woman who basically said she wasn’t getting food for three days and actually left the hospital to provide her food and she was undergoing … cancer treatment and in there for an emergency situation. It also highlights a federally funded facility in D.C. that is trying to support patients in the area with translators, but some of the health policy challenges they face, such as, you know, there’s reimbursement for basically accompanying a patient to an appointment, but there’s out-of-appointment care that patients need. Like if you’re sent home with instructions in English and there’s difficulty funding that care. And I mean, I just think the issue is important and fascinating because people who cover health policy, I think, tend to realize sometimes, even if you have an M.D. and a Ph.D. in various aspects of this system, it can be very hard to navigate your care in the U.S., even if you are best positioned. So to add in not speaking a language and, in this case, having had experience trying to help somebody who spoke a language much less more commonly spoken in the U.S. You know, I was thinking, well, she spoke Spanish, you know, how bad could it be? A lot of people in the U.S. often are bilingual and Spanish is a common language that you might expect lots of people in a medical facility to know. So I think, you know, again, it just shows the complexities here of even when you’re best positioned to succeed, you often have trouble succeeding as a patient. And when you add in other factors, we really set people up for pretty difficult situations.

Rovner: Yeah, it was kind of eye-opening. Rachel.

Roubein: My extra credit is titled “Her Baby Has a Deadly Diagnosis. Her Florida Doctors Refused an Abortion,” and it’s by Frances Stead Sellers from The Washington Post. I chose the story because it gives this rare window into how an abortion ban can play on the ground when a fetus is diagnosed with a fatal abnormality. So Frances basically chronicles how one woman in Florida, Deborah Dorbert, and her husband, Lee, were told by a specialist when she was roughly 24 weeks pregnant that the fetus had a condition incompatible with life, and the couple decided to terminate the pregnancy. But they say they were ultimately told by doctors that they couldn’t due to a law passed last year in Florida that banned most abortions after 15 weeks. And so that new law does have exceptions, including allowing later termination if two physicians certify in writing that the fetus has a fatal fetal abnormality. So it’s not clear exactly how or why the Dorberts’ doctors said that they couldn’t or how they applied the law in this situation.

Rovner: Yeah, I feel like this is maybe the 10th one of these that I’ve read of women who have wanted pregnancies and wanted babies and something goes wrong with the pregnancy, and an abortion ban has prevented them from actually getting the care that they need. And I just wonder if the anti-abortion forces have really thought this through, because if they want to encourage women to get pregnant, I know a lot of women who want babies, who want to get pregnant, want to have a baby, but they’re worried that if something goes wrong, that they won’t be able to get care. You know, this question of how close to death does the pregnant woman have to be for the abortion to, quote-unquote, “save her life”? We keep seeing it now in different states and in different iterations. Sorry, it’s my little two cents. Joanne.

Kenen: My extra credit is from The Atlantic’s Katherine J. Wu. And the headline is “Eagles Are Falling, Bears Are Going Blind.” It’s about bird flu or avian flu. It does not say it couldn’t jump to humans. It does say it’s not likely to jump to humans, but that we have to be better prepared, and we have to watch it. But it really made the interesting point that it is much more pervasive among not just birds, but other animals than prior, what we and laypeople call “bird flu.” And it’s going to have — 60, something like 60 million U.S. birds have died. It is affecting Peruvian sea lions, grizzly bears, bald eagles, all sorts of other species, mostly birds, but some mammals. And it’s going to have a huge impact on wildlife for many years to come. And, you know, the ecological environment, our wildlife enviornments. And it’s a really interesting piece. I hadn’t seen that aspect of it described. And if you think — and eggs are going to stay expensive.

Karlin-Smith: I was going to say this morning, I actually saw that in Cambodia reported one of the first deaths in this recent wave, of a person with this bird flu. So the question, I guess, is in the past, it hasn’t easily spread from person to person. And so that would be like the big concern where you’d worry about really large outbreaks.

Rovner: Yeah, because we don’t have enough to worry about right now.

Kenen: We should be watching this one. I mean, this is a different manifestation of it. But we do know there have been isolated cases like the one Sarah just described where, you know, people have gotten it and a few people have died, but it has not easily adapted. And of course, if it does adapt, that’s a different story. And then … in what form does it adapt? Is it more like the flu we know, or, I mean, there are all sorts of unanswered questions. Yes, we need to watch it. But this story was actually just so interesting because it was about what it’s doing to animals.

Rovner: Yeah, it is. The ecosystem is more than just us. Well, my story is from Stat News by Calli McMurray, and it’s highly relevant for our podcast. It’s called “Current Treatments for Cramps Aren’t Cutting It. Why Aren’t There Better Options?” And yes, it’s about menstrual cramps, which affect as many as 91% of all women of reproductive age. Nearly a third of them severely. Yet there’s very little research on the actual cause of cramps and current treatments, mostly nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs or birth control pills, don’t work for a lot of people. As someone who spent at least a day a month of her 20s and 30s in bed with a heating pad, I can’t tell you how angry it makes me that this is still a thing with all the other things that we have managed to cure in medicine.

OK. That is our show for this week. As always, if you enjoy the podcast, you can subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. We’d appreciate it if you left us a review; that helps other people find us, too. Special thanks, as always, to our ever-patient producer, Francis Ying. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth — all one word — @kff.org. Or you can tweet me. I’m @jrovner. Joanne?

Kenen: @JoanneKenen

Rovner: Rachel.

Roubein: @rachel_roubein

Rovner: Sarah.

Karlin-Smith: @SarahKarlin

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy.

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Estados Unidos se estancó en las regulaciones químicas después de la década de 1970, según Bhavna Shamasunder, profesora asociada de política urbana y ambiental en el Occidental College. Y eso ha dejado un vacío regulatorio, ya que la blanda supervisión federal permite que productos potencialmente tóxicos que estarían prohibidos en Europa se vendan en las tiendas estadounidenses.

“Muchos productos en el mercado no son seguros”, dijo Shamasunder. “Es por eso que los estados están ayudando a generar una solución”.

La posible exposición a sustancias tóxicas en los cosméticos es especialmente preocupante para las mujeres de color, porque estudios muestran que las mujeres negras usan más productos para el cabello que otros grupos raciales, y que las hispanas y asiáticas han informado que usan más cosméticos en general que las mujeres negras y blancas no hispanas.

La legislación del estado de Washington es un segundo intento de aprobar la Ley de Cosméticos Libres de Tóxicos, luego que, en 2022, los legisladores aprobaran un proyecto de ley que eliminó la prohibición de ingredientes tóxicos en los cosméticos.

Este año, los legisladores tienen un contexto adicional después que un informe encargado por la Legislatura, y publicado en enero por el Departamento de Ecología del estado, encontró múltiples productos con niveles preocupantes de químicos peligrosos, incluyendo plomo y arsénico en la base CoverGirl Clean Fresh Pressed Powder de tinte oscuro.

El lápiz labial de color continuo CoverGirl y la base de maquillaje Black Radiance Pressed Powder de Markwins Beauty Brands se encuentran entre otros productos de varias marcas que contienen plomo, según el informe.

Los equipos de investigación preguntaron a mujeres hispanas, negras no hispanas y multirraciales qué productos de belleza usaban. Luego, probaron 50 cosméticos comprados en Walmart, Target y Dollar Tree, entre otras tiendas.

“Las empresas están agregando conservantes como el formaldehído a los productos cosméticos”, dijo Iris Deng, investigadora de tóxicos del Departamento de Ecología estatal. “El plomo y el arsénico son historias diferentes. Se detectan como contaminantes”.

Markwins Beauty Brands no respondió a las solicitudes de comentarios.

“Las trazas nominales de ciertos elementos a veces pueden estar presentes en las formulaciones de productos como consecuencia del origen mineral natural, según lo permitido por la ley que aplica”, dijo Miriam Mahlow, vocera de la empresa matriz de CoverGirl, Coty Inc., en un correo electrónico.

Los autores del informe de Washington dijeron que los países de la Unión Europea prohíben productos como la base CoverGirl de tinte oscuro. Esto se debe a que el arsénico y el plomo se han relacionado con el cáncer, y daño cerebral y del sistema nervioso. “No se conoce un nivel seguro de exposición al plomo”, dijo Marissa Smith, toxicóloga reguladora sénior del estado de Washington. Y el formaldehído también es carcinógeno.

“Cuando encontramos estos químicos en productos aplicados directamente a nuestros cuerpos, sabemos que las personas están expuestas”, agregó Smith. “Por lo tanto, podemos suponer que estas exposiciones están contribuyendo a los impactos en la salud”.

Aunque la mayoría del contenido de plomo de los productos era bajo, dijo Smith, las personas a menudo están expuestas durante años, lo que aumenta considerablemente el peligro.

Los hallazgos del departamento de ecología de Washington no fueron sorprendentes: otros organismos han detectado conservantes como formaldehído o, más a menudo, agentes liberadores de formaldehído como quaternium-15, DMDM hidantoína, imidazolidinil urea y diazolidinil urea en productos para alisar el cabello comercializados especialmente para las mujeres negras.

El formaldehído es uno de los productos químicos utilizados para embalsamar los cadáveres antes de los funerales.

Además de Washington, al menos 12 estados —Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, Michigan, Nevada, Nueva Jersey, Nueva York, Carolina del Norte, Oregon, Rhode Island, Texas y Vermont— están considerando leyes para restringir o exigir la divulgación de sustancias químicas tóxicas en cosméticos y otros productos de cuidado personal.

Los estados están actuando porque el gobierno federal tiene una autoridad limitada, dijo Melanie Benesh, vicepresidenta de asuntos gubernamentales del Environmental Working Group, una organización sin fines de lucro que investiga qué hay en los productos para el hogar y para el consumidor.

“La FDA ha tenido recursos limitados para intentar la prohibición de ingredientes”, agregó Benesh.

El Congreso no ha otorgado a la Agencia de Protección Ambiental (EPA) una amplia autoridad para regular estos productos, a pesar de que los contaminantes y conservantes de los cosméticos terminan en el suministro de agua.

En 2021, un hombre de California solicitó a la EPA que prohibiera los químicos tóxicos en los cosméticos bajo la Ley de Control de Sustancias Tóxicas, pero la petición fue denegada, porque los cosméticos están fuera del alcance de la jurisdicción de la ley, dijo Lynn Bergeson, abogada en Washington, D.C.

Bergeson dijo que la regulación de los productos químicos está sujeta a la Ley Federal de Alimentos, Medicamentos y Cosméticos, pero la Administración de Medicamentos y Alimentos (FDA) regula solo los aditivos de color y los productos químicos en los protectores solares porque sostienen que disminuyen el riesgo de cáncer de piel.

Minnesota, por ejemplo, llena los vacíos regulatorios al realizar pruebas de mercurio, hidroquinona y esteroides en productos para aclarar la piel. También aprobó una ley en 2013 que prohíbe el formaldehído en productos para niños, como lociones y baños de burbujas.

California ha aprobado varias leyes que regulan los ingredientes y el etiquetado de los cosméticos, incluida la Ley de Cosméticos Seguros de California, en 2005. Una ley adoptada en 2022 prohíbe las sustancias de perfluoroalquilo y polifluoroalquilo agregadas intencionalmente, conocidas como PFAS, en cosméticos y prendas de vestir a partir de 2025.

El año pasado, Colorado también aprobó una prohibición de PFAS en maquillaje y otros productos.

Pero expertos en seguridad del consumidor dijeron que los estados no deberían tener que llenar el vacío dejado por las regulaciones federales, y que un enfoque más inteligente implicaría que el gobierno federal sometiera los ingredientes de los cosméticos a un proceso de aprobación.

Mientras tanto, los estados están librando una batalla cuesta arriba, porque miles de productos químicos están disponibles para los fabricantes. Como resultado, existe una brecha entre lo que los consumidores necesitan como protección y la capacidad de acción de los reguladores, dijo Laurie Valeriano, directora ejecutiva de Toxic-Free Future, una organización sin fines de lucro que investiga y defiende la salud ambiental.

“Los sistemas federales son inadecuados porque no requieren el uso de productos químicos más seguros”, dijo Valeriano. “En cambio, permiten productos químicos peligrosos en productos para el cuidado personal, como PFAS, ftalatos o incluso formaldehído”.

Además, el sistema de evaluación de riesgos del gobierno federal tiene fallas, dijo, “porque intenta determinar cuánto riesgo de exposiciones tóxicas es aceptable”. Por el contrario, el enfoque que el estado de Washington espera legislar evaluaría los peligros y preguntaría si los productos químicos son necesarios o si existen alternativas más seguras, es decir, evitar los ingredientes tóxicos en los cosméticos en primer lugar.

Es muy parecido al enfoque adoptado por la Unión Europea (UE).

“Ponemos límites y restricciones a estos productos químicos”, dijo Mike Rasenberg, director de evaluación de peligros de la Agencia Europea de Productos Químicos en Helsinki, Finlandia.

Rasenberg dijo que debido a que la investigación muestra que el formaldehído causa cáncer nasal, la UE lo ha prohibido en productos de belleza, además del plomo y el arsénico. Los 27 países de la UE también trabajan juntos para probar la seguridad de los productos.

En Alemania se examinan anualmente más de 10,000 productos cosméticos, dijo Florian Kuhlmey, vocero de la Oficina Federal de Protección al Consumidor y Seguridad Alimentaria de ese país. Y no termina ahí. Este año, Alemania examinará alrededor de 200 muestras de dentífrico para niños en busca de metales pesados y otros elementos prohibidos en la UE para cosméticos, agregó Kuhlmey.

La legislación en Washington se acercaría a la estrategia europea para la regulación de productos químicos. Si se aprueba, daría a los minoristas que venden productos con ingredientes prohibidos hasta 2026 para vender los productos existentes.

Mientras tanto, los clientes pueden protegerse buscando productos de belleza naturales, dijo la dermatóloga del área de Atlanta, Chynna Steele Johnson.

“Muchos productos tienen agentes liberadores de formaldehído”, dijo Steele Johnson. “Pero no es algo que los clientes puedan encontrar en una etiqueta. Mi sugerencia, y esto también se aplica a los alimentos, sería, cuanto menos ingredientes, mejor”.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Las aflicciones del barrio se remontan a principios de los años 70, cuando la industria desapareció y el tráfico de drogas se afianzó. Con cada nueva oleada de drogas, la situación se agrava. Ahora está peor que nunca. Ahora, con la llegada de la xilacina, un tranquilizante de uso veterinario, nuevas complicaciones están sobrecargando un sistema ya desbordado.

“Hay que poner manos a la obra”, dijo Dave Malloy, un veterano trabajador social de Philadelphia que trabaja en Kensington y otros lugares de la ciudad.

Los traficantes utilizan xilacina, un sedante barato no autorizado, para cortar el fentanilo, un opioide sintético 50 veces más potente que la heroína. El nombre callejero de la xilacina es “tranq”, y el fentanilo cortado con xilacina se llama “tranq dope”.

La xilacina lleva una década diseminándose por el país, según la Agencia Antidroga (DEA). Su aparición ha seguido la ruta del fentanilo: empezando en los mercados de heroína en polvo blanco del noreste y desplazándose después hacia el sur y el oeste.

Además, ha demostrado ser fácil de fabricar, vender y transportar en grandes cantidades para los narcotraficantes extranjeros, que acaban introduciéndola en Estados Unidos, donde circula a menudo en paquetes de correo exprés.

La xilacina se detectó por primera vez en Philadelphia en 2006. En 2021 se encontró en el 90% de las muestras de opioides callejeros. En ese año, el 44% de todas las muertes por sobredosis no intencionales relacionadas con el fentanilo incluyeron xilacina, según estadísticas de la ciudad. Dado que los procedimientos de análisis durante las autopsias varían mucho de un estado a otro, no hay datos exhaustivos sobre las muertes por sobredosis con xilacina a nivel nacional, según la DEA.

Aquí en Kensington, los resultados están a la vista. Usuarios demacrados caminan por las calles con heridas necróticas en piernas, brazos y manos, que a veces llegan al hueso.

La vasoconstricción que provoca la xilacina y las condiciones antihigiénicas dificultan la cicatrización de cualquier herida, y mucho más de las úlceras graves provocadas por la xilacina, explicó Silvana Mazzella, directora ejecutiva de Prevention Point Philadelphia, un grupo que ofrece servicios conocidos como “reducción del daño”.  

Stephanie Klipp, enfermera que se dedica al cuidado de heridas y a la reducción de daños en Kensington, dijo que ha visto a personas “viviendo literalmente con lo que les queda de sus extremidades, con lo que obviamente debería ser amputado”.

El papel que desempeña la xilacina en las sobredosis mortales pone de relieve uno de sus atributos más complicados. Al ser un depresor del sistema nervioso central, la naloxona no funciona cuando se trata de un sedante.

Aunque la naloxona puede revertir el opioide de una sobredosis de “tranq dope”, alguien debe iniciar la respiración artificial hasta que lleguen los servicios de emergencia o la persona consiga llegar a un hospital, cosa que a menudo no ocurre. “Tenemos que mantener a las personas con vida el tiempo suficiente para tratarlas, y eso aquí es diferente cada día”, explicó Klipp.

Si un paciente llega al hospital, el siguiente paso es tratar el síndrome de abstinencia agudo de “tranq dope”, que es algo delicado. Apenas existen estudios sobre cómo actúa la xilacina en humanos.

Melanie Beddis vivió con su adicción dentro y fuera de las calles de Kensington durante unos cinco años. Recuerda el ciclo de desintoxicación de la heroína. Fue horrible, pero después de unos tres días de dolores, escalofríos y vómitos, podía “retener la comida y posiblemente dormir”. Con la “tranq dope” fue peor. Cuando intentó dejar esa mezcla en la cárcel, no pudo comer ni dormir durante unas tres semanas.

Las personas que se desintoxican de la “tranq dope” necesitan más medicamentos, explicó Beddis, ahora en recuperación, quien ahora es directora de programas de Savage Sisters Recovery, que ofrece alojamiento, asistencia y reducción de daños en Kensington.

“Necesitamos una receta que sea eficaz”, señaló Jeanmarie Perrone, médica y directora fundadora del Centro de Medicina de Adicciones de Penn Medicine.

Perrone dijo que primero trata la abstinencia de opioides, y luego, si un paciente sigue experimentando malestar, a menudo utiliza clonidina, un medicamento para la presión arterial que también funciona para la ansiedad. Otros médicos han probado distintos fármacos, como la gabapentina, un medicamento anticonvulsivo, o la metadona.

“Es necesario que haya más diálogo sobre lo que funciona y lo que no, y que se ajuste en tiempo real”, afirmó Malloy.

Philadelphia ha anunciado recientemente que va a poner en marcha un servicio móvil de atención de heridas como parte de su plan de gastos de los fondos del acuerdo sobre opioides, con la esperanza de que esto ayude al problema de la xilacina.

Lo mejor que pueden hacer los especialistas en las calles es limpiar y vendar las úlceras, proporcionar suministros, aconsejar a la gente que no se inyecte en las heridas y recomendar tratamiento en centros médicos, explicó Klipp, que no cree que un hospital pueda ofrecer a sus pacientes un tratamiento adecuado contra el dolor. Muchas personas no pueden quebrar el ciclo de la adicción y no hacen seguimiento.

Mientras que la heroína solía dar un margen de 6-8 horas antes de necesitar otra dosis, la “tranq dope” solo da 3-4 horas, estimó Malloy. “Es la principal causa de que la gente no reciba la atención médica adecuada”, añadió. “No pueden estar el tiempo suficiente en urgencias”.

Además, aunque las úlceras resultantes suelen ser muy dolorosas, los médicos son reacios a dar a los usuarios analgésicos fuertes. “Muchos médicos ven eso como que buscan medicación en lugar de lo que está pasando la gente”, dijo Beddis.

Por su parte, Jerry Daley, director ejecutivo de la sección local de un programa de subvenciones gestionado por la Oficina de Política Nacional de Control de Drogas (ONDCP), dijo que los funcionarios de salud y las fuerzas del orden deben comenzar a tomar medidas enérgicas contra la cadena de suministro de xilacina y transmitir el mensaje de que las empresas deshonestas que la fabrican están “literalmente beneficiándose de la vida y las extremidades de las personas”.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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The neighborhood’s afflictions date to the early 1970s, when industry left and the drug trade took hold. With each new wave of drugs, the situation grows grimmer. Now, with the arrival of xylazine, a veterinary tranquilizer, new complications are burdening an already overtaxed system.

“It’s all hands on deck,” said Dave Malloy, a longtime Philadelphia social worker who does mobile outreach in Kensington and around the city.

Dealers are using xylazine, which is uncontrolled by the federal government and cheap, to cut fentanyl, a synthetic opioid up to 50 times stronger than heroin. The street name for xylazine is “tranq,” and fentanyl cut with xylazine is “tranq dope.” Mixed with the narcotic, xylazine amplifies and extends the high of fentanyl or heroin.

But it also has dire health effects: It leaves users with unhealing necrotic ulcers, because xylazine restricts blood flow through skin tissue. Also, since xylazine is a sedative rather than a narcotic, overdoses of tranq dope do not respond as well to the usual antidote — naloxone — which reverses the effects of only the latter.

Xylazine has been spreading across the country for at least a decade, according to the Drug Enforcement Administration, starting in the Northeast and then moving south and west. Plus, it has proven to be easy for offshore bad actors to manufacture, sell, and ship in large quantities, eventually getting it into the U.S., where it often circulates by express delivery.

First detected in Philadelphia in 2006, xylazine was found in 90% of street opioid samples in the city by 2021. That year, 44% of all unintentional fentanyl-related overdose deaths involved xylazine, city statistics show. Since testing procedures during postmortems vary widely from state to state, no comprehensive data for xylazine-positive overdose deaths nationally exists, according to the DEA.

Here in Kensington, the results are on display. Emaciated users walk the streets with necrotic wounds on their legs, arms, and hands, sometimes reaching the bone.

Efforts to treat these ulcers are complicated by the narrowing of blood vessels that xylazine causes as well as dehydration and the unhygienic living conditions that many users experience while living homeless, said Silvana Mazzella, associate executive officer of the public health nonprofit Prevention Point Philadelphia, a group that provides services known as harm reduction.

Stephanie Klipp, a nurse who does wound care and is active in harm reduction efforts in Kensington, said she has seen people “literally living with what’s left of their limbs — with what obviously should be amputated.”

Fatal overdoses are rising because of xylazine’s resistance to naloxone. When breathing is suppressed by a sedative, the treatment is CPR and transfer to a hospital to be put on a ventilator. “We have to keep people alive long enough to treat them, and that looks different every day here,” Klipp said.

If a patient reaches the hospital, the focus becomes managing acute withdrawal from tranq dope, which is dicey. Little to no research exists on how xylazine acts in humans.

Melanie Beddis lived with her addiction on and off the streets in Kensington for about five years. She remembers the cycle of detoxing from heroin cold turkey. It was awful, but usually, after about three days of aches, chills, and vomiting, she could “hold down food and possibly sleep.” Tranq dope upped that ante, said Beddis, now director of programs for Savage Sisters Recovery, which offers housing, outreach, and harm reduction in Kensington.

She recalled that when she tried to kick this mix in jail, she couldn’t eat or sleep for about three weeks.

There is no clear formula for what works to aid detoxing from opiates mixed with xylazine.

“We do need a recipe that’s effective,” said Dr. Jeanmarie Perrone, founding director of the Penn Medicine Center for Addiction Medicine and Policy.

Perrone said she treats opioid withdrawal first, and then, if a patient is still uncomfortable, she often uses clonidine, a blood pressure medication that also lessens anxiety. Other doctors have tried gabapentin, an anticonvulsant medication sometimes used for anxiety.

Methadone, a medication for opioid use disorder, which blunts the effects of opioids and can be used for pain management, seems to help people in tranq dope withdrawal, too.

In the hospital, after stabilizing a patient, caring for xylazine wounds may take priority. This can range from cleaning, or debridement, to antibiotic treatment — sometimes intravenously for periods as long as weeks — to amputation.

Philadelphia recently announced it is launching mobile wound care as part of its spending plan for opioid settlement funds, hopeful that this will help the xylazine problem.

The best wound care that specialists on the street can do is clean and bandage ulcers, provide supplies, advise people not to inject into wounds, and recommend treatment in medical settings, said Klipp. But many people are lost in the cycle of addiction and don’t follow through.

While heroin has a six- to eight-hour window before the user needs another hit, tranq dope wanes in just three or four, Malloy estimated. “It’s the main driver why people don’t get the proper medical care,” he said. “They can’t sit long enough in the ER.”

Also, while the resulting ulcers are typically severely painful, doctors are reluctant to give users strong pain meds. “A lot of docs see that as med-seeking rather than what people are going through,” Beddis said.

In the meantime, Jerry Daley, executive director of the local chapter of a grant program run by the Office of National Drug Control Policy, said health officials and law enforcement need to start cracking down on the xylazine supply chain and driving home the message that rogue companies that make xylazine are “literally profiting off of people’s life and limb.”

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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A team at Rice University has developed an automated feeding platform for mosquitoes that allows researchers to test different types of repellent and investigate mosquito-borne disease transmission. Traditionally, such mosquito research would require human volunteers or animal subjects for the mosquitos to feed on, but this is obviously inconvenient and a little distasteful. This new system dispenses with the need for human volunteers and associated laborious data collection and analysis. The technology consists of 3D printed synthetic skin with real blood that flows through small vessels. Mosquitos can feed through the skin and are kept in place in a surrounding box, which also contains mounted cameras that record the whole process. Machine learning algorithms then interpret the resulting video footage, providing a variety of data including bite number and duration.

Dengue, yellow fever, and malaria: what do they all have in common? The pesky mosquito. However, while this flying culprit is well known, studying the process of disease transmission in detail and developing new ways to deter mosquitos from biting in the first place can be difficult. At present, many researchers are forced to use animal subjects or human volunteers who are willing to sit for long periods while mosquitoes feast on their blood. This is clearly not ideal, and requires long periods of observation and data analysis.   

To address these limitations, these researchers have created a synthetic and automated alternative. This consists of 3D printed hydrogel constructs that act as synthetic skin. These structures contain artificial blood vessels through which the researchers can circulate real human blood. A transparent box around the hydrogel patches keeps live mosquitos in place above, allowing them to land and feed. Cameras mounted in the box record the activity, and then the researchers use machine learning algorithms to analyze the footage.

“It provides a consistent and controlled method of observation,” said Omid Veiseh, a researcher involved in the study. “The hope is researchers will be able to use that to identify ways to prevent the spread of disease in the future.”

So far, the researchers have used the device to test various mosquito repellents, but the technology could also let researchers to investigate mosquito-mediated disease transmission in more detail. “We are using the system to examine virus transmission during blood feeding,” said Dawn Wesson, another researcher involved in the study. “We are interested both in how viruses get taken up by uninfected mosquitoes and how viruses get deposited, along with saliva, by infected mosquitoes. If we had a better understanding of the fine mechanics and proteins and other molecules that are involved, we might be able to develop some means of interfering in those processes.”

See a video about the device below:

Study in journal Frontiers in Bioengineering and Biotechnology: Development of an automated biomaterial platform to study mosquito feeding behavior

Via: Rice University

Los murciélagos en todo el mundo son vectores primarios para la transmisión de virus de animales a humanos. Generalmente esos virus son inofensivos para los murciélagos, pero pueden ser mortales para los humanos.

Por ejemplo, en China, los murciélagos de herradura se citan como una causa probable del brote de covid-19. Y los investigadores creen que la presión ejercida sobre los murciélagos por el cambio climático y la invasión del desarrollo humano han aumentado la frecuencia con la que los virus saltan de estos animales a las personas, causando lo que se conoce como enfermedades zoonóticas.

“Estos eventos indirectos son el resultado de una cascada de factores estresantes: el hábitat de los murciélagos cambia, el clima se vuelve más extremo, los murciélagos se trasladan a áreas humanas para encontrar comida”, dijo Raina Plowright, ecologista de enfermedades y coautora de un artículo reciente en la revista Nature y otro en Ecology Letters sobre el papel de los cambios ecológicos en las enfermedades.

Es por eso que Agnieszka Rynda-Apple, inmunóloga de la Universidad Estatal de Montana (MSU), planea traer murciélagos frugívoros (o de la fruta) de Jamaica a Bozeman este invierno para iniciar una colonia de reproducción y acelerar el trabajo de su laboratorio como parte de un equipo de 70 investigadores en siete países.

El grupo, llamado BatOneHealth, fundado por Plowright, espera encontrar formas de predecir dónde el póximo virus mortal podría dar el salto de los murciélagos a las personas. “Estamos colaborando para responder a la pregunta de por qué los murciélagos son un vector tan fantástico”, dijo Rynda-Apple.

“Estamos tratando de entender qué es lo que hace que sus sistemas inmunológicos retengan el virus y cuál es la situación en la que lo eliminan”, agregó.

Para estudiar el papel del estrés nutricional, explicó que los investigadores crean diferentes dietas para estos mamíferos, “los infectan con el virus de la influenza y luego estudian cuánto virus están eliminando, la duración de la eliminación viral y su respuesta antiviral”.

Si bien Rynda Apple y sus colegas ya han estado haciendo este tipo de experimentos, la cría de murciélagos les permitirá ampliar la investigación. Es un esfuerzo arduo comprender a fondo cómo el cambio ambiental contribuye al estrés nutricional, y predecir mejor el efecto indirecto.

“Si realmente podemos entender todas las piezas del rompecabezas, eso nos dará herramientas para volver atrás y pensar en medidas contra-ecológicas que podemos poner en práctica para romper el ciclo de los efectos indirectos”, dijo Andrew Hoegh, profesor asistente de estadísticas en MSU que está creando modelos para posibles escenarios indirectos.

El pequeño equipo de investigadores de la MSU trabaja con un investigador del Rocky Mountain Laboratories de los Institutos Nacionales de Salud en Hamilton, Montana.

Los artículos recientes publicados en Nature y Ecology Letters se centran en el virus Hendra en Australia, que es donde nació Plowright.

Hendra es un virus respiratorio que causa síntomas similares a los de la gripe y se propaga de los murciélagos a los caballos, y luego puede transmitirse a las personas que tratan a los caballos. Es mortal, con una tasa de mortalidad del 75% en caballos. De las siete personas que hasta el momento se sabe que contrajeron esta infección, cuatro murieron.

La pregunta que impulsó el trabajo de Plowright es por qué Hendra comenzó a aparecer en caballos y personas en la década de 1990, a pesar de que los murciélagos probablemente han albergado al virus por millones de años.

La investigación demuestra que la razón es el cambio ambiental. Plowright comenzó su investigación sobre murciélagos en 2006. En muestras tomadas de murciélagos australianos llamados zorros voladores, ella y sus colegas rara vez detectaron el virus.

Después de que el ciclón tropical Larry frente a la costa del Territorio del Norte australiano acabara con la fuente de alimento de los murciélagos en 2005-06, cientos de miles de animales simplemente desaparecieron. Sin embargo, encontraron una pequeña población de murciélagos débiles y hambrientos cargados con el virus Hendra.

Eso llevó a Plowright a centrarse en el estrés nutricional como un factor clave en el efecto indirecto. El equipo analizó 25 años de datos sobre la pérdida de hábitat, el derrame y el clima, y descubrieron un vínculo entre la pérdida de fuentes de alimento causada por el cambio ambiental y las altas cargas virales en murciélagos estresados por la comida.

En el año posterior a un patrón climático de El Niño, con sus altas temperaturas, que ocurren cada pocos años, muchos árboles de eucalipto no producen las flores con el néctar que necesitan los murciélagos. Y la invasión humana de otros hábitats, desde las granjas hasta el desarrollo urbano, ha eliminado las fuentes alternativas de alimentos. Entonces, los murciélagos tienden a mudarse a áreas urbanas con higueras, mangos y otros árboles deficientes y, estresados, propagan los virus.

Cuando los murciélagos excretan orina y heces, los caballos las inhalan mientras huelen el suelo. Los investigadores esperan que su trabajo con murciélagos infectados con Hendra ilustre un principio universal: cómo la destrucción y la alteración de la naturaleza pueden aumentar la probabilidad de que los patógenos mortales pasen de los animales salvajes a los humanos.

Las tres fuentes más probables de contagio son los murciélagos, los mamíferos y los artrópodos, especialmente las garrapatas. Alrededor del 60% de las enfermedades infecciosas emergentes que infectan a los humanos provienen de animales, y alrededor de dos tercios de ellas provienen de animales salvajes.

La idea de que la deforestación y la invasión humana de las tierras salvajes alimentan las pandemias no es nueva. Por ejemplo, expertos creen que el VIH, que causa el SIDA, infectó a los humanos por primera vez cuando la gente comía chimpancés en África central. Un brote en Malasia a fines de 1998 y principios de 1999 del virus Nipah transmitido por murciélagos se propagó de murciélagos a cerdos. Los cerdos lo amplificaron y se propagó a los humanos, con un brote que infectó a 276 personas, y mató a 106.

Ahora está emergiendo la conexión con el estrés provocado por los cambios ambientales.

Una pieza crítica de este complejo rompecabezas es el sistema inmunológico de los murciélagos. Los murciélagos frugívoros de Jamaica que vivirán en la MSU ayudarán a los investigadores a obtener más información sobre los efectos del estrés nutricional en su carga viral.

Vincent Munster, jefe de la unidad de ecología de virus de Rocky Mountain Laboratories y miembro de BatOneHealth, también está analizando diferentes especies de murciélagos para comprender mejor la ecología del contagio. “Hay 1,400 especies diferentes de murciélagos y hay diferencias muy significativas entre los que albergan coronavirus y los murciélagos que albergan el virus del Ébola”, dijo Munster. “Y murciélagos que viven cientos de miles juntos versus murciélagos que son relativamente solitarios”.

Mientras tanto, Gary Tabor, esposo de Plowright, es presidente del Center for Large Landscape Conservation, una organización sin fines de lucro que aplica la ecología de la investigación de enfermedades para proteger el hábitat de la vida silvestre, en parte, para garantizar que la vida silvestre esté adecuadamente alimentada y protegerse contra la propagación de virus.

“La fragmentación del hábitat es un problema de salud planetaria que no se está abordando lo suficiente, dado que el mundo continúa experimentando niveles sin precedentes de deforestación”, dijo Tabor.

A medida que mejore la capacidad de predecir brotes, otras estrategias se vuelven posibles. Los modelos que pueden predecir dónde podría extenderse el virus Hendra podrían conducir a la vacunación de los caballos en esas áreas. Otra posible solución es el conjunto de “contramedidas ecológicas” a las que se refirió Hoegh, como la plantación a gran escala de eucaliptos en flor para que los murciélagos zorros voladores no se vean obligados a buscar néctar en áreas desarrolladas.

“En este momento, el mundo está enfocado en cómo podemos detener la próxima pandemia”, dijo Plowright. “Desafortunadamente, preservar o restaurar la naturaleza rara vez es parte de la discusión”.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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